World

In Sudan, Poverty, Heavy Security Grip Under Longtime Leader

Published

10 years ago

April 16, 2015

In this picture taken on Tuesday, April 14, 2015, a Sudanese boy gestures to the camera for a smoke, outside his home in Izba, an impoverished neighborhood on the outskirts of Khartoum, Sudan. (AP Photo/Mosa’ab Elshamy)

MAGGIE MICHAEL, Associated Press

KHARTOUM, Sudan (AP) — During a quarter-century in power, President Omar al-Bashir has succeeded in keeping an iron grip on Sudan despite repeated disasters that would have toppled many leaders. This week’s election seems certain to entrench his rule.

Sudan lost a third of its territory as South Sudan broke away. The country has been torn by internal wars and battered by international sanctions for alleged support of terrorism. Al-Bashir is the world’s first sitting president wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. And poverty is a constant.

Al-Bashir’s success has come in part from a heavy security hand that has silenced dissent. Despairing of any vote breaking his grip, few Sudanese turned out for an election extended over four days that ended Thursday. But snapshots can be found of Sudan’s dissent and discontent.

IZBA

The impoverished neighborhood of Izba is one sign of how constant wars have shaped Khartoum. Before the 1989 coup that brought al-Bashir to power, Izba was a small community of Arab tribesmen who settled on the capital’s edge. But through the 1990s and 2000s, it ballooned with the Sudanese fleeing war zones around the country, particularly South Sudan, Darfur in the west and Kordofan on the border with the south.

Now 70,000 residents live crammed in about a square mile area. Half-naked barefoot children play in dusty, unpaved alleys between mud-brick houses.

The worst is during the summer rainy season, when the neighborhood floods. Residents scramble to scoop out rising water in their homes. The mud brick dissolves in the rain, damaging homes — last season, 250 houses were destroyed.

Mariam al-Mahdi’s five-room home was washed away in the night last year. “In the morning, the house was gone,” she told The Associated Press. It’s still in ruins, and the 30-year-old’s family lives in a shack nearby.

Every year, residents have to rebuild their houses. Around 80 percent of residents make only around $5 a day and are unable to afford more sturdy homes. Most men work as day laborers in construction, some of the women are tea vendors in the streets. The district has suffered from years of neglect. Public transport doesn’t reach it. There’s a single medical clinic but no hospitals, and few people have public health insurance.

The neighborhood got its first paved road just two months before this week’s election. Residents saw it as a sop from a president who has otherwise ignored them.

Abdel-Motalib Abdullah, a resident who campaigned for candidates running against the ruling party in the election, drew an analogy:

“A hunter in red clothes dug a trap for an elephant. The elephant fell in the trap and got injured. Next day, the same hunter, but dressed in white, comes and treats the elephant’s injury. This is what al-Bashir does to us.”

THE OPPOSITION

At midnight on Dec. 6, security forces descended on the home of Sudan’s most prominent human rights advocate, Amin Mekki Medani. He had just returned from the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, where he met with opposition parties to work out their unified demands that al-Bashir postpone elections, form a unity government and amend the constitution.

The 76-year-old lawyer spent the next 15 days in solitary confinement, a small cell with no windows, a mattress on the floor and a neon light and air conditioning blasting non-stop.

“It was the most awful thing you can imagine,” Medani told the AP. “For 15 days … I never left the room, not knowing day from night.”

He was charged with forming a terrorist cell. For the next four months, he was in prison as his trial went on. Then last week, the charges against him were dropped and he and two other opposition figures were freed — a goodwill gesture before the election.

Over 25 years, al-Bashir has done away with what was once a vibrant opposition. His main tool has been the powerful security establishment. At the top stands the National Intelligence and Security Services, or NISS, which monitors the press, political parties, unions and public gatherings. Recent constitution amendments gave it even more power, changing its mandate from simple information gathering to give it authority as an outright security force.

“State security is the real ruler of this country,” Medani said.

Sudan saw its biggest anti-government demonstrations in September 2013. But the protests were swiftly put down by a police crackdown that killed around 200 people.

Still, Medani insists the protests signal the emergence of a young opposition that, if joined with traditional opposition parties, could force change.

“We haven’t lost the spirit,” he said.

THE GHOST HOUSE

When student activist Mohammed Salah was arrested last May, he was taken to one of Khartoum’s most notorious detention centers, known as the Ghost House. There, he told the AP, he received the “reception” given to newly arrived, political detainees. Over several days, he was systematically flogged, kicked, beaten, even bitten in the cheek, all while blindfolded and handcuffed. Once, he was hit so hard he temporarily lost sight in one eye.

He was held in solitary for 60 days, removed only for interrogations sometimes lasting more than 20 hours.

Salah was arrested for leading a university protest denouncing the killing of another student. He and his colleagues demanded the removal of so-called “jihadi crews,” groups of armed government supporters stationed at universities to crush any protests — one tool of the government to silence dissent.

Human rights groups have frequently denounced Sudan’s use of torture. Amnesty International in a report last month pointed to arrests of students, activists, rights workers and journalists from 2012-2014, some of whom faced torture and other abuses.

The arrest — and an earlier one also over protests — gave Saleh an experience in the ways of torture.

“The main concept is humiliation,” he said. Detention, he said, aims to instill fear in the detainee by controlling and isolating him.

“In the end, I keep this in my mind,” Salah said. “The death of an individual will not kill the cause.”

THE NEWSPAPER EDITOR

When the weekly newspaper Al-Midan ran a statement by a rebel group supporting protesters demanding better services, authorities quickly confiscated the edition. The paper’s chief editor, Madeha Abdullah, was hauled before prosecutors and charged with “attempting to topple the constitutional system” — a crime punishable by death.

When she heard the charges, “the prosecutor wondered why I was so cool,” Abdullah recalled.

Probably because it was nothing new for Sudan’s journalists. Newspapers are heavily censored, and editions are often pulled from the shelves after publication. On Feb. 14 alone, more than 15 different papers had that day’s edition confiscated. Journalists never know the reason as the measures are taken without written orders.

Abdullah said security authorities instruct editors over the phone on topics to avoid — the International Criminal Court, the conflict in Darfur, economic problems or corruption. Editors who don’t comply are summoned for prosecution.

From 2011 to 2013, Al-Midan —which is connected to Sudan’s Communist Party — was censored or banned nearly every week, though it was still able to appear on line.

Abdullah said the stress of being banned and censored is even worse than prosecution. “We keep working. We send the paper to the print house. They stop the publication,” she said. Her case has not been sent to trial and she suspects the charges will not be pursued — just left open to use against her later if needed.

The government also uses its monopoly over advertising to put a financial squeeze on papers.

“They wage different wars,” Abdullah said. “There is direct war through confiscation and censorship. There is an indirect siege on the paper’s resources.”

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How Mobihealth Drives a Telemedicine Revolution in Africa

As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits. These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls. This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.

Published

2 weeks ago

October 21, 2024

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Dr Funmi Adewara, founder and CEO of telehealth company Mobihealth. Mobihealth International photo.

By Ifeanyi Abraham

CNN

As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits.

These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls.

This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.

Growing up with a mother who worked as a nurse, Adewara’s understanding of healthcare challenges deepened through her mother’s stories.

“I knew early on that healthcare wasn’t a privilege — it was a necessity, and I wanted to be part of changing the system,” she explains.

After training as a physician, Adewara worked for 15 years in the United Kingdom’s National Health Service before founding the telemedicine platform Mobihealth in 2017.

Since its launch, Mobihealth has impacted thousands of lives, connecting patients with doctors and healthcare professionals across Nigeria and beyond.

The platform has 20 integrated telehealth clinics that offer remote consultations, diagnostics, and access to specialist care via digital health tools. Located primarily in Nigeria, these clinics are accessible to patients through various subscription plans and are often financed through partnerships with global donor organizations and private donors.

In addition to the clinics, Mobihealth has partnerships with over 200 hospitals, labs, and pharmacies, Adewara says.

The company has earned global recognition, including a $1 million grant from the U.S. Trade and Development Agency in 2022. Adewara was also one of the World Bank’s seven 2020 Sustainable Development Goals & Her award winners, selected from over 2,400 entries worldwide.

Connecting Rural Patients

Across sub-Saharan Africa, millions struggle to access basic healthcare. According to the World Health Organization, the region bears 25% of the global disease burden but has only 3% of the world’s healthcare workers.

“In rural Africa, a trip to the nearest hospital can mean the difference between life and death,” says Adewara.

Mobihealth’s latest initiative offers healthcare for $1 a month for rural and underserved populations. It allows Africans in the diaspora — and global supporters — to sponsor essential services like doctor consultations, diagnostic tests, and access to telemedicine clinics.

The scheme is not solely based on donations; individuals can also subscribe to the service for themselves.

“Healthcare systems across Africa are under immense pressure,” Adewara explains. “Our initiative is a direct response, using technology to connect rural patients with doctors thousands of miles away.”

For Adewara, Mobihealth’s telemedicine platform is not a temporary fix; it represents the future of healthcare in Africa.

“This is about creating a resilient, sustainable and inclusive system, where people, no matter where they are, can access the care they need,” she says.

“Telemedicine brings doctors to people, wherever they may be. By integrating AI and remote monitoring, we are improving the speed and accuracy of care, saving lives in the process,” she adds.

A number of African companies provide telemedicine services, but researchers have pointed out that there are obstacles that could hinder the growth of telemedicine in the continent.

Rural areas can have an unreliable electricity supply and poor internet connectivity, and there is often a lack of government policies and funding around virtual healthcare.

“A Healthcare System for the Future”

Adewara envisions scaling her company’s model to reach millions more across Africa, particularly in countries like Ghana, Kenya, and Ivory Coast.

“Our work is just beginning,” she says. “We are building a healthcare system for the future — one that is resilient, inclusive and capable of meeting Africa’s growing population’s needs.”

However, partnerships are crucial to achieving this vision. “We can’t do this alone. Our collaborations with the African diaspora, hospitals, governments, and international organizations allow us to reach more people and ensure that healthcare is affordable, efficient and accessible,” Adewara adds.

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Atty General Rob Bonta Joins Coalition Backing Pres. Biden’s Migrant Parole Program

“The Biden Administration’s CHNV Parole Program provides a safe pathway to apply for protection for Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan migrants fleeing violence and upheaval. We urge the court to uphold this program that creates orderly processes for people fleeing humanitarian crises to lawfully reach the United States,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta. The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.

Published

3 months ago

August 17, 2024

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By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

Attorney General Rob Bonta joined a multistate coalition of 18 attorneys general to write an amicus brief supporting President Joe Bidens’s Parole Program for migrants fleeing violence.

The multistate coalition will submit the brief to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals regarding the case Texas v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. The brief endorses Biden’s Parole Program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans (CHNV Parole Program). The migrant parole program allows individuals from the four countries to apply for advance travel authorization. Migrants can be considered for temporary humanitarian parole of up to two years including employment authorization.

The coalition highlighted California’s interest in maintaining the federal government’s discretionary power granting migrants entry or allowing immigrants to stay on humanitarian grounds.

“In California, we believe that migrants escaping violence should be treated with compassion and dignity, and immigration parole programs are a crucial part of a just and secure immigration system,” said Bonta.

The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.

The coalition argued that the lawsuit in Texas threatened to undermine the federal government’s authority to establish crucial programs that help migrants escape unstable circumstances in their home countries.

The coalition stated that parole provides safe, legal, and orderly pathways for people to seek protection in the United States.

However, opponents claim that parole pathways help increase crime and impose costs on states.

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‘Ngingubani:’ Who Am I? How DNA and Oral History Helps Black Youth Connect to Tribal Roots

‘I didn’t know who I was.’ This was not an uncommon belief for teenage boys plucked from the streets of Johannesburg, South Africa. Often disconnected from their families and living on the streets, they had little evidence of strong family ties. Maybe their story sounds familiar to you. Maybe you find yourself asking similar questions: Who am I? Where do I actually belong?

Published

5 months ago

June 7, 2024

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Participants of the program gather for a cultural celebration with family members shortly following their reconnection. Courtesy photo.

By Chelsea Trautman

‘I didn’t know who I was.’

This was not an uncommon belief for teenage boys plucked from the streets of Johannesburg, South Africa. Often disconnected from their families and living on the streets, they had little evidence of strong family ties. Maybe their story sounds familiar to you. Maybe you find yourself asking similar questions: Who am I? Where do I actually belong?

These questions were the initial inspiration for the Johannesburg Applied Ancestry Program launched in 2006 by researcher and program coordinator Clive Haydon, and Dr. Brian Hill, a university professor at Brigham Young University.

The program’s name: “Ngingubani,” or “Who am I?” in the African Zulu language, has a goal to help teenage boys between the ages of 12-16 better understand their identities by learning and sharing their own family stories.

Connect

One story included a young boy who was separated from his biological mother when he was only 5 years old. Having no written history or knowledge of his family, his story was like many at the Twilight Children’s Center in Johannesburg where the program took place.

Through outreach to extended family, program social workers were able to find this young boy’s mother and facilitate their reuniting nearly 14 years after their separation.

After being connected with unknown relatives, participants sat down for an interview to learn the stories of those who had gone before them: the boys developed a stronger sense of self after hearing their rich oral history from people who shared their blood, culture, and heritage.

Robyn Fivush, PhD and professor of Psychology at Emory University stated: “These kinds of family stories create meaning beyond the individual. To include a sense of self through historical time and in relation to family members” (Jorgenson & Bochner, 2004: Norris, Kuiack, & Pratt, 2004).

Belong

The interviews and DNA samplings gave insight about these young boy’s native ancestral tribes. While not all participants were reunited with parents, they were all still able to connect with a living relative.

Through a culminating cultural celebration, participants at the Twilight Children’s Center dressed in traditional tribal clothing, and shared dances, artwork, and personal stories from the knowledge they gained during the program. This emotional tearful event made the boys feel valued by their parents and motivated their belief in who they could become.

Become

Thanks to DNA testing and family history stories, many can now discover their heritage and find a similar connection and belonging with deceased and distant family members.

A great way to begin is by telling family stories. Tell them as they are, setting aside opinions and personal bias to allow one’s family to interpret the meaning themselves.

For information on how to start, visit: familysearch.org, or through visiting a cemetery or by celebrating an ancestor’s birthday.

The ripple effect of family storytelling has the capacity to answer “Ngingubani.”

Chelsea Trautman is a research assistant at Brigham Young University.