National
No Bullets, No Books
For more than a century, descendants of enslaved Africans could be punished or put to death for learning to read or arming themselves. The strategy: Keep Black America ‘dumb’ and defenseless.
By Karsceal Turner
Special to the NNPA from The Florida Courier
From the beginning, America’s founders and their descendants in formal and informal leadership have been willing to go to great lengths to keep Africans – kidnapped from their ancestral homes and transported to North America – from gaining the means to defend themselves from their oppressors.
The strategy: keep Blacks dumb and defenseless. From the Pilgrims’ arrival until the present day, the descendants of those Africans have been denied the same liberty “to bear arms” as their White oppressors.
Unarmed since day one
From that fateful day in 1619, when the first African set foot in the North American colony of Jamestown, Va., to help produce tobacco and cotton, there has been a concentrated effort to keep Blacks unarmed and helpless.
And that effort took two avenues: (1) through racist laws that punished Black people found in possession of guns – laws that eventually morphed into current-day gun control efforts; (2) through efforts to convince Black Americans to disarm themselves, especially by historical corruption of the ‘non-violent’ civil rights movement.
Shoot to kill
Clayton E. Cramer, a history professor at the College of Western Idaho and the author of numerous books on gun ownership in America, writes, “Racist arms laws predate the establishment of the United States. Starting in 1751, the French Black Code required Louisiana colonists to stop any Blacks, and if necessary, beat ‘any Black carrying any potential weapon, such as a cane.’ If a Black refused to stop on demand, and was on horseback, the colonist was authorized to shoot to kill.”
According to Cramer, “the historical record provides compelling evidence that racism underlies gun control laws, and not in any subtle way. Throughout much of American history, gun control was openly stated as a method for keeping Blacks… ‘in their place’ and to quiet the racial fears of Whites.”
Although the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution clearly states, “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed,” it was not written with non-Whites in mind.
Different reasons
In the early years of America, the North and the South had their own respective justifications for keeping Blacks disarmed.
In both the colonial and immediate post-Revolutionary periods, the first laws regulating gun ownership were aimed squarely at Blacks and Native Americans. In both the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies, it was illegal for the colonists to sell guns to natives, while Virginia and Tennessee banned gun ownership by free Blacks.
The central importance of slavery to the South’s economy made it clear to White Southerners that allowing enslaved Africans to arm themselves was a non-starter.
The Northern states of the new republic remained in fear of armed Blacks, whether ‘free’ Blacks living “up North” or enslaved Blacks toiling “down South.”
Why? Revolts against slave owners often degenerated into generalized racial warfare. And there was the perception that free Blacks were sympathetic to the plight of their enslaved brothers and sisters.
Therefore, whether people of African descent were ‘free’ or enslaved, they would remain weaponless and defenseless anywhere in the young country named America.
Revolutionary impacts
During the Haitian Revolution of the 1790s, enslaved Africans successfully threw off their French masters. This revolution was perceived to be a race war, aggravating existing fears in the French Louisiana colony and among Whites in the slave states of the United States.
From the 1830s to the 1860s, a movement to abolish slavery in America gained strength in the northern United States, led by free Blacks such as Frederick Douglass and White supporters such as William Lloyd Garrison.
In 1831, as a result of the Nat Turner revolt, Virginia and other Southern state legislators passed new laws to control enslaved Africans and free Blacks. They prohibited teaching any Black person – slave or free – how to read; restricted rights of assembly for free Blacks; and punished any Black person who was armed.
Three decades later in 1850, Douglass declared, “The best response is a good revolver” as a rebuttal to the Fugitive Slave Act that required any slave who escaped to be returned to Southern slavery.
Faulty ‘Reconstruction’
The end of slavery in 1865 did not eliminate the problems of racist gun control laws. The former states of the Confederacy – many of which had recognized the right to carry arms openly before the Civil War – developed a very sudden willingness to qualify that right. Thus, the various “Black Codes” adopted after the Civil War required Blacks to obtain a license before carrying or possessing firearms or even Bowie knives.
During the post-Civil War Reconstruction period (1865-77), former slaves received the rights of citizenship and the “equal protection” of the Constitution in the 14th Amendment (1868) and the right to vote in the 15th (1870), but the provisions of Constitution were often ignored or violated.
Reconstruction was ultimately frustrating for African-Americans because of the restrictive gun laws and the violent resurgence of Southern White supremacy, which came in the wake of the U.S. government’s decision to withdraw federal troops from the South. The rise of racist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan was aided by the inability of newly freed enslaved Africans to defend themselves.
In 1892, Black newspaper owner Ida B. Wells noted that “the only times an Afro-American who was assaulted got away was when he had a gun and used it in self-defense.” Wells offered some blunt advice: “a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every Black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give.”
Non-violent, not defenseless
The premise that the civil rights movement in the South was strictly a nonviolent movement remains a dominant theme and a gross misrepresentation of history. In almost every Southern community, Black people picked up arms, organized, and met force with force to defend their leaders, their communities, and their own lives.
In particular, Black people relied on armed self-defense in communities where federal government officials failed to protect them from the violence of racists and segregationists – who were often supported by local law enforcement.
At the height of the civil rights movement, Black freedom fighters took self-defense seriously.
Although he was denied a concealed-carry permit, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. had a veritable “arsenal” at home. Far from being a violation of the principle of nonviolence, King’s willingness to defend himself and his family was part of a long, proud tradition in Black America.
Modern gun control
Of note was the first major ban on the open carrying of firearms. It was a reaction to “Negroes with guns.”
A Republican-led bill was drafted in California after members of the Black Panther Party began hanging around the state legislature in Sacramento with their guns on display. The gun control bill was signed in 1967 by then-Gov. Ronald Reagan of California.
It was followed by the federal Gun Control Act of 1968, that was primarily a reaction to the dangers of “Saturday night specials” – cheap handguns owned by the poor and Blacks.
Next week: Gun control and the rise of the National Rifle Association.
Karsceal Turner is an award-winning independent journalist regularly covering Central Florida human interest features and sports.
Arts and Culture
In ‘Affrilachia: Testimonies,’ Puts Blacks in Appalacia on the Map
By Terri Schlichenmeyer
The Bookworm Sez
An average oak tree is bigger around than two people together can reach.
That mighty tree starts out with an acorn the size of a nickel, ultimately growing to some 80 feet tall, with a canopy of a hundred feet or more across.
And like the new book, “Affrilachia” by Chris Aluka Berry (with Kelly Elaine Navies and Maia A. Surdam), its roots spread wide and wider.
Affriclachia is a term a Kentucky poet coined in the 1990s referring to the Black communities in Appalachia who are similarly referred to as Affrilachians.
In 2016, “on a foggy Sunday morning in March,” Berry visited Affrilachia for the first time by going the Mount Zion AME Zion Church in Cullowhee, North Carolina. The congregation was tiny; just a handful of people were there that day, but a pair of siblings stood out to him.
According to Berry, Ann Rogers and Mae Louise Allen lived on opposite sides of town, and neither had a driver’s license. He surmised that church was the only time the elderly sisters were together then, but their devotion to one another was clear.
As the service ended, he asked Allen if he could visit her. Was she willing to talk about her life in the Appalachians, her parents, her town?
She was, and arrangements were made, but before Barry could get back to Cullowhee, he learned that Allen had died. Saddened, he wondered how many stories are lost each day in mountain communities where African Americans have lived for more than a century.
“I couldn’t make photographs of the past,” he says, “but I could document the people and places living now.”
In doing so he also offers photographs that he collected from people he met in ‘Affrilachia,’ in North Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, at a rustic “camp” that was likely created by enslaved people, at churches, and in modest houses along highways.
The people he interviewed recalled family tales and community stories of support, hardship, and home.
Says coauthor Navies, “These images shout without making a sound.”
If it’s true what they say about a picture being worth 1,000 words, then “Affrilachia,” as packed with photos as it is, is worth a million.
With that in mind, there’s not a lot of narrative inside this book, just a few poems, a small number of very brief interviews, a handful of memories passed down, and some background stories from author Berry and his co-authors. The tales are interesting but scant.
For most readers, though, that lack of narrative isn’t going to matter much. The photographs are the reason why you’d have this book.
Here are pictures of life as it was 50 years or a century ago: group photos, pictures taken of proud moments, worn pews, and happy children. Some of the modern pictures may make you wonder why they’re included, but they set a tone and tell a tale.
This is the kind of book you’ll take off the shelf, and notice something different every time you do. “Affrilachia” doesn’t contain a lot of words, but it’s a good choice when it’s time to branch out in your reading.
“Affrilachia: Testimonies,” by Chris Aluka Berry with Kelly Elaine Navies and Maia A. Surdam
c.2024, University of Kentucky Press, $50.00.
Black History
Alice Parker: The Innovator Behind the Modern Gas Furnace
Born in Morristown, New Jersey, in 1895, Alice Parker lived during a time when women, especially African American women, faced significant social and systemic barriers. Despite these challenges, her contributions to home heating technology have had a lasting impact.
By Tamara Shiloh
Alice Parker was a trailblazing African American inventor whose innovative ideas forever changed how we heat our homes.
Born in Morristown, New Jersey, in 1895, Parker lived during a time when women, especially African American women, faced significant social and systemic barriers. Despite these challenges, her contributions to home heating technology have had a lasting impact.
Parker grew up in New Jersey, where winters could be brutally cold. Although little is documented about her personal life, her education played a crucial role in shaping her inventive spirit. She attended Howard University, a historically Black university in Washington, D.C., where she may have developed her interest in practical solutions to everyday challenges.
Before Parker’s invention, most homes were heated using wood or coal-burning stoves. These methods were labor-intensive, inefficient, and posed fire hazards. Furthermore, they failed to provide even heating throughout a home, leaving many rooms cold while others were uncomfortably warm.
Parker recognized the inefficiency of these heating methods and imagined a solution that would make homes more comfortable and energy-efficient during winter.
In 1919, she patented her design for a gas-powered central heating system, a groundbreaking invention. Her design used natural gas as a fuel source to distribute heat throughout a building, replacing the need for wood or coal. The system allowed for thermostatic control, enabling homeowners to regulate the temperature in their homes efficiently.
What made her invention particularly innovative was its use of ductwork, which channeled warm air to different parts of the house. This concept is a precursor to the modern central heating systems we use today.
While Parker’s design was never fully developed or mass-produced during her lifetime, her idea laid the groundwork for modern central heating systems. Her invention was ahead of its time and highlighted the potential of natural gas as a cleaner, more efficient alternative to traditional heating methods.
Parker’s patent is remarkable not only for its technical innovation but also because it was granted at a time when African Americans and women faced severe limitations in accessing patent protections and recognition for their work. Her success as an inventor during this period is a testament to her ingenuity and determination.
Parker’s legacy lives on in numerous awards and grants – most noticeably in the annual Alice H. Parker Women Leaders in Innovation Award. That distinction is given out by the New Jersey Chamber of Commerce to celebrate outstanding women innovators in Parker’s home state.
The details of Parker’s later years are as sketchy as the ones about her early life. The specific date of her death, along with the cause, are also largely unknown.
Activism
U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries Speaks on Democracy at Commonwealth Club
Based on his first speech as House minority leader, “The ABCs of Democracy” by Grand Central Publishing is an illustrated children’s book for people of all ages. Each letter contrasts what democracy is and isn’t, as in: “American Values over Autocracy”, “Benevolence over Bigotry” and “The Constitution over the Cult.”
By Linda Parker Pennington
Special to The Post
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries addressed an enthusiastic overflow audience on Monday at San Francisco’s Commonwealth Club, launching his first book, “The ABCs of Democracy.”
Based on his first speech as House minority leader, “The ABCs of Democracy” by Grand Central Publishing is an illustrated children’s book for people of all ages.
Each letter contrasts what democracy is and isn’t, as in: “American Values over Autocracy”, “Benevolence over Bigotry” and “The Constitution over the Cult.”
Less than a month after the election that will return Donald Trump to the White House, Rep. Jeffries also gave a sobering assessment of what the Democrats learned.
“Our message just wasn’t connecting with the real struggles of the American people,” Jeffries said. “The party in power is the one that will always pay the price.”
On dealing with Trump, Jeffries warned, “We can’t fall into the trap of being outraged every day at what Trump does. That’s just part of his strategy. Remaining calm in the face of turmoil is a choice.”
He pointed out that the razor-thin margin that Republicans now hold in the House is the lowest since the Civil War.
Asked what the public can do, Jeffries spoke about the importance of being “appropriately engaged. Democracy is not on autopilot. It takes a citizenry to hold politicians accountable and a new generation of young people to come forward and serve in public office.”
With a Republican-led White House, Senate, House and Supreme Court, Democrats must “work to find bi-partisan common ground and push back against far-right extremism.”
He also described how he is shaping his own leadership style while his mentor, Speaker-Emeritus Nancy Pelosi, continues to represent San Francisco in Congress. “She says she is not hanging around to be like the mother-in-law in the kitchen, saying ‘my son likes his spaghetti sauce this way, not that way.’”
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