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Hearings Starting on Governor’s Tactics for Ferguson Unrest

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In this Monday Nov. 24, 2014 file photo, people walk away from a storage facility on fire after the grand jury decision was announced in Ferguson, Mo. More than 700 National Guard troops were stationed preemptively throughout the St. Louis region. But Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon was inundated with criticism for not deploying the Guard outside businesses along a prominent Ferguson road where looting and arson had occurred after Michael Brown’s Aug. 9 shooting. (AP Photo/Jeff Roberson, File)

In this Monday Nov. 24, 2014 file photo, people walk away from a storage facility on fire after the grand jury decision was announced in Ferguson, Mo. More than 700 National Guard troops were stationed preemptively throughout the St. Louis region. But Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon was inundated with criticism for not deploying the Guard outside businesses along a prominent Ferguson road where looting and arson had occurred after Michael Brown’’s Aug. 9 shooting. (AP Photo/Jeff Roberson, File)

DAVID A. LIEB, Associated Press

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. (AP) — As businesses were burned and looted in Ferguson, Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon was inundated with messages from the public criticizing him for not using the National Guard to prevent the civil unrest that followed a grand jury’s decision in the Michael Brown case.

Documents provided to The Associated Press under an open records request show Nixon received hundreds of online messages from people in the St. Louis area and across the country expressing bewilderment, frustration and outrage that guardsmen were not preemptively deployed to the most troubled locations.

A Missouri legislative committee is to begin holding hearings Wednesday aimed at determining why not. The bipartisan panel is to first hear testimony from local officials as a prelude to calling upon members of Nixon’s administration in the coming weeks.

A Nixon spokesman said Tuesday that the Guard was intended to provide a “support role,” so that hundreds of law enforcement officers could be devoted to policing the area. The governor has said previously that he was pleased there were no deaths in the riots but was “somewhat surprised by the amount of violence” that occurred the night of Nov. 24, when a prosecutor announced that grand jurors had decided not to charge Ferguson officer Darren Wilson, who is white, for killing the unarmed 18-year-old Brown, who was black.

Nixon had declared a state of emergency a week ahead of the grand jury announcement and had said the Guard would help local authorities “protect life and property.” That drew a mixed reaction from St. Louis area residents, with some sending Nixon thankful messages and others expressing concern that the military’s presence would inflame an already tense situation.

When the grand jury decision was announced, more than 700 guardsmen were stationed preemptively throughout the St. Louis region and nearly 500 law officers were in Ferguson. But no guardsmen were positioned outside businesses along a prominent Ferguson road where looting and arson had occurred after Brown’s Aug. 9 shooting.

“A lot of state resources were put into that and then apparently not really used — or used in a manner that’s not being fully explained,” said Sen. Kurt Schaefer, chairman of the Joint Committee on Government Accountability, which is holding the hearings.

Moments after the grand jury announcement, some protesters began looting and setting fires to businesses and vehicles in Ferguson and the nearby suburb of Dellwood. The National Guard was not on the scene as television networks carried live coverage of the destruction.

“Ferguson businesses are being looted and burned. Where are the National Guard?” Ferguson resident Sharon Heidemann wrote late on Nov. 24 in one of first such messages sent to Nixon through the public “contact” section of his website.

Over the next 24 hours, Nixon’s office received about 500 messages critical of his response. He got barely a dozen messages supporting his actions.

“Shame on you for letting Ferguson burn,” Ferguson resident Michael Pierce wrote shortly after midnight on Nov. 25.

One local National Guard soldier wrote to Nixon’s office saying he was voluntarily and single-handedly protecting a Ferguson shopping center against looters. “I’m doing this on my own free will. SO WHERE ARE THE TROOPS,” wrote soldier Andre Akins.

Maj. Gen. Stephen Danner said that although the Guard had trained for handling civil unrest, Nixon’s orders were for the troops to provide a supporting role to St. Louis County police who were leading the state and local effort to secure Ferguson. Guard members were eventually sent to Ferguson’s troubled spots early on Nov. 25, but the most serious damage had been done by then.

“The Guard was not there to actively engage in law enforcement activities, but to provide eyes and ears and boots on the ground for law enforcement, to call them when needed,” Danner told the Missouri Senate Appropriations Committee last week.

The Missouri National Guard spent about $6.6 million on payroll, meals and supplies while deployed in the St. Louis area from Nov. 17 to Dec. 16. Millions more dollars were spent by the state patrol and local police.

St. Louis County recently announced that it was spending $500,000 to demolish 18 buildings — housing about 30 businesses — that were burned in Ferguson and Dellwood.

Ferguson Mayor James Knowles III said he had asked St. Louis County police to bring in the National Guard when the grand jury decision was announced. In an email previously obtained by the AP, the county police chief told an assistant that the Guard would not be placed at the Ferguson Police Department “per the governor.”

Knowles said he’s frustrated, like many of his residents, that the Guard wasn’t deployed sooner. He plans to testify at the legislative hearings.

“The people deserve an answer as to what was done, and why,” Knowles said.

___

Associated Press reporter Marie French contributed to this story. Follow David A. Lieb at: https://twitter.com/DavidALieb .

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Activism

OP-ED: AB 1349 Puts Corporate Power Over Community

Since Ticketmaster and Live Nation merged in 2010, ticket prices have jumped more than 150 percent. Activities that once fit a family’s budget now take significant disposable income that most working families simply don’t have. The problem is compounded by a system that has tilted access toward the wealthy and white-collar workers. If you have a fancy credit card, you get “presale access,” and if you work in an office instead of a warehouse, you might be able to wait in an online queue to buy a ticket. Access now means privilege.

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Bishop Joseph Simmons, Senior Pastor, Greater St. Paul Baptist Church, Oakland
Bishop Joseph Simmons, Senior Pastor, Greater St. Paul Baptist Church, Oakland

By Bishop Joseph Simmons, Senior Pastor, Greater St. Paul Baptist Church, Oakland

As a pastor, I believe in the power that a sense of community can have on improving people’s lives. Live events are one of the few places where people from different backgrounds and ages can share the same space and experience – where construction workers sit next to lawyers at a concert, and teenagers enjoy a basketball game with their grandparents. Yet, over the past decade, I’ve witnessed these experiences – the concerts, games, and cultural events where we gather – become increasingly unaffordable, and it is a shame.

These moments of connection matter as they form part of the fabric that holds communities together. But that fabric is fraying because of Ticketmaster/Live Nation’s unchecked control over access to live events. Unfortunately, AB 1349 would only further entrench their corporate power over our spaces.

Since Ticketmaster and Live Nation merged in 2010, ticket prices have jumped more than 150 percent. Activities that once fit a family’s budget now take significant disposable income that most working families simply don’t have. The problem is compounded by a system that has tilted access toward the wealthy and white-collar workers. If you have a fancy credit card, you get “presale access,” and if you work in an office instead of a warehouse, you might be able to wait in an online queue to buy a ticket. Access now means privilege.

Power over live events is concentrated in a single corporate entity, and this regime operates without transparency or accountability – much like a dictator. Ticketmaster controls 80 percent of first-sale tickets and nearly a third of resale tickets, but they still want more. More power, more control for Ticketmaster means higher prices and less access for consumers. It’s the agenda they are pushing nationally, with the help of former Trump political operatives, who are quietly trying to undo the antitrust lawsuit launched against Ticketmaster/Live Nation under President Biden’s DOJ.

That’s why I’m deeply concerned about AB 1349 in its current form. Rather than reining in Ticketmaster’s power, the bill risks strengthening it, aligning with Trump. AB 1349 gives Ticketmaster the ability to control a consumer’s ticket forever by granting Ticketmaster’s regime new powers in state law to prevent consumers from reselling or giving away their tickets. It also creates new pathways for Ticketmaster to discriminate and retaliate against consumers who choose to shop around for the best service and fees on resale platforms that aren’t yet controlled by Ticketmaster. These provisions are anti-consumer and anti-democratic.

California has an opportunity to stand with consumers, to demand transparency, and to restore genuine competition in this industry. But that requires legislation developed with input from the community and faith leaders, not proposals backed by the very company causing the harm.

Will our laws reflect fairness, inclusion, and accountability? Or will we let corporate interests tighten their grip on spaces that should belong to everyone? I, for one, support the former and encourage the California Legislature to reject AB 1349 outright or amend it to remove any provisions that expand Ticketmaster’s control. I also urge community members to contact their representatives and advocate for accessible, inclusive live events for all Californians. Let’s work together to ensure these gathering spaces remain open and welcoming to everyone, regardless of income or background.

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Activism

Oakland Post: Week of December 31, 2025 – January 6, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of – December 31, 2025 – January 6, 2026

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Activism

2025 in Review: Seven Questions for Assemblymember Lori Wilson — Advocate for Equity, the Environment, and More

Her rise has also included several historic firsts: she is the only Black woman ever appointed to lead the influential Assembly Transportation Committee, and the first freshman legislator elected Chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. She has also been a vocal advocate for vulnerable communities, becoming the first California legislator to publicly discuss being the parent of a transgender child — an act of visibility that has helped advanced representation at a time when political tensions related to social issues and culture have intensified. 

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Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City). File photo.
Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City). File photo.

By Edward Henderson, California Black Media 

Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City) joined the California Legislature in 2022 after making history as Solano County’s first Black female mayor, bringing with her a track record of fiscal discipline, community investment, and inclusive leadership.

She represents the state’s 11th Assembly District, which spans Solano County and portions of Contra Costa and Sacramento Counties.

Her rise has also included several historic firsts: she is the only Black woman ever appointed to lead the influential Assembly Transportation Committee, and the first freshman legislator elected Chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. She has also been a vocal advocate for vulnerable communities, becoming the first California legislator to publicly discuss being the parent of a transgender child — an act of visibility that has helped advanced representation at a time when political tensions related to social issues and culture have intensified.

California Black Media spoke with Wilson about her successes and disappointments this year and her outlook for 2026.

What stands out as your most important achievement this year?

Getting SB 237 passed in the Assembly. I had the opportunity to co-lead a diverse workgroup of colleagues, spanning a wide range of ideological perspectives on environmental issues.

How did your leadership contribute to improving the lives of Black Californians this year?

The Black Caucus concentrated on the Road to Repair package and prioritized passing a crucial bill that remained incomplete during my time as chair, which establishes a process for identifying descendants of enslaved people for benefit eligibility.

What frustrated you the most this year?

The lack of progress made on getting Prop 4 funds allocated to socially disadvantaged farmers. This delay has real consequences. These farmers have been waiting for essential support that was promised. Watching the process stall, despite the clear need and clear intent of the voters, has been deeply frustrating and reinforces how much work remains to make our systems more responsive and equitable.

What inspired you the most this year?

The resilience of Californians persists despite the unprecedented attacks from the federal government. Watching people stay engaged, hopeful, and determined reminded me why this work matters and why we must continue to protect the rights of every community in our state.

What is one lesson you learned this year that will inform your decision-making next year?

As a legislator, I have the authority to demand answers to my questions — and accept nothing less. That clarity has strengthened my approach to oversight and accountability.

In one word, what is the biggest challenge Black Californians are facing currently?

Affordability and access to quality educational opportunities.

What is the goal you want to achieve most in 2026?

Advance my legislative agenda despite a complex budget environment. The needs across our communities are real, and even in a tight fiscal year, I’m committed to moving forward policies that strengthen safety, expand opportunity, and improve quality of life for the people I represent.

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