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HISD Now “District of Innovation”
ABOVE: Houston ISD Superintendent Mike Miles observes a classroom on Aug. 11 at Sugar Grove Academy in Houston’s Sharpstown neighborhood. (Antranik Tavitian / Houston Landing) Houston Independent School District is officially a “District of Innovation.” The HISD Board of Managers voted unanimously, 8-0, in favor of the new status at a meeting on Dec. 14. […]
The post HISD Now “District of Innovation” first appeared on BlackPressUSA.

ABOVE: Houston ISD Superintendent Mike Miles observes a classroom on Aug. 11 at Sugar Grove Academy in Houston’s Sharpstown neighborhood. (Antranik Tavitian / Houston Landing)
Houston Independent School District is officially a “District of Innovation.” The HISD Board of Managers voted unanimously, 8-0, in favor of the new status at a meeting on Dec. 14. (One board member was absent, as was the district superintendent.) The move gives HISD the power to alter class sizes and disciplinary measures — and to hire uncertified teachers.
“HISD is a District of Innovation,” said Superintendent Mike Miles in a press release. “We are making the bold changes required to improve instruction and help students develop the competencies they will need to succeed in the future. Having the DOI designation is long overdue and will allow us to accelerate our work in important ways.” It will also allow his district to bypass or sidestep state laws, which nearly every school district in the state has done since the 2015 passage of HB 1842. That law, co-written by State Rep. Harold Dutton, paved the way for the HISD takeover in the first place.
And the writing was on the wall months ago. At a community meeting back in April, one woman warned listeners: “I want everyone to know that HB 1842 also brought with it ‘District of Innovation,’ which gives the districts that participate the same freedoms as charter schools – freedoms to circumvent state laws that protect students, teachers and parents’ rights, including the right to a certified teacher,” she said. But after the recent board vote, that’s all changed.
District of Innovation
A District of Innovation, Miles said, is exempt from “certain statutory requirements.” To put it more bluntly: “A DOI allows more than 60 exemptions from state laws over school operations.” The current plan allows just seven exemptions. Some are student-centered: for example, HISD wants to allow high school juniors and seniors to spend more than two school days visiting colleges without having unexcused absences.
One exemption concerns a rule where students caught vaping are sent to a DAEP. A Disciplinary Alternative Education Program, or DAEP, is an alternative program for students temporarily removed from class for disciplinary reasons. Miles said some kids will be sent to in-school suspension; others will be suspended out-of-school. “There’s always going to be consequences,” he said at a press conference on Nov. 15.
At that same presser, District Advisory Committee member Celeste Barreto Milligan took the mic to share why she supports the policy change. “I think that the law is unjust,” she said. “You may know that in Texas, you can arrest and jail a child as young as 10 years old […] Immediately sending them to a DAEP situation opens the doors for them to get into the school-to-prison-pipeline,” she said. “I have two middle-school boys; I would hate for them to be held accountable at that level for such a mistake. I’m going to hold them accountable; I’m their mom. [But] I don’t want to see them enter the school-to-prison pipeline, especially as children of color.”
Another exemption pertains to minimum attendance for class credit or final grade. Under current rules, students must attend at least 90% of class days to get final grades. HISD wants flexibility in determining attendance requirements (i.e. ensuring that student attendance is at least 70% for each course). Elementary and middle school students must adhere to the current statute.
School Year
One of the exemptions allows HISD to start school earlier. Statute says a school district may not start before the fourth Monday in August. HISD’s DOI plan proposes that “the first day of school for the 2024-2025 academic year be no earlier than Aug. 7 and no later Aug. 14.” (The DOI plan cites research from a Harvard study of third graders, stating that extending the school year by more than 10 days improves student achievement more than grade retention or smaller class sizes.) The current HISD calendar has 172 days of instruction for students; the DOI calendar would have at least 180 instructional days.
“Houston ISD cannot improve academic proficiency for all students or close the pernicious achievement gaps that affect our students of color, students with special education needs, and students from economically disadvantaged communities without more high-quality instructional days,” the district plan said. It also argues that the move will help teachers pace their curriculum equally, provide students with an equitable amount of learning time and give them an extra week of instruction in advance of STAAR testing.
Teacher Hiring
Another DOI exemption allows HISD to hire uncertified teachers and counselors. Specifically, it allows HISD to hire high school teachers who do not have certification — without getting a waiver from the state or notifying parents. The board also voted in favor of hiring uncertified counselors. (The exemption does not apply to special education teachers, bilingual/ESL teachers, or pre-K teachers. Those requirements cannot be waived.)
“This will allow HISD to fill vacancies in positions that are hard to staff and will help give all students a constant classroom teacher,” the action plan says. Its authors claim that the teacher shortage spurred this change: “The District will continue to prioritize hiring credentialed teachers but will allow campuses to pursue innovative staffing methods to fill hard-to-staff positions to ensure all students have access to a high-quality teacher.”
But this move isn’t approved by everyone. Houston Federation of Teachers president Jackie Anderson blasted the DOI shift as “sinister” in a withering statement: “Evidence of teacher expertise and knowledge apparently doesn’t matter much to the board, since this plan allows HISD to hire uncertified teachers without a waiver and conceal that from families. The secrecy shows that Miles realizes parents would not approve of this.
The plan also allows class sizes to increase for elementary grades, when smaller class sizes are crucial for optimum learning; permits schools to dispense with a campus behavior coordinator, as if chronic misbehavior doesn’t impede instruction or safety; and allows for a custom teacher evaluation system with no teacher input,” Anderson said. “The District of Innovation plan is only innovative in that no other school district interested in investing in real solutions, not destroying public education, would even consider these provisions. This plan will last for five years, the entire length of time a child attends elementary school—the formative years when everything after depends on that foundation.”
It’s unclear what kind of foundation students will have when they return to school next year.
The post HISD Now “District of Innovation” appeared first on Forward Times.
The post HISD Now “District of Innovation” first appeared on BlackPressUSA.
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High Court Opens Door to Police Accountability
BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously rejected a judicial doctrine that for years shielded law enforcement officers from civil liability in police shooting cases by allowing courts to assess force based only on the final moments before an officer pulled the trigger.

By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent
The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously rejected a judicial doctrine that for years shielded law enforcement officers from civil liability in police shooting cases by allowing courts to assess force based only on the final moments before an officer pulled the trigger. In Barnes v. Felix, the high court struck down the Fifth Circuit’s “moment-of-threat” rule, which had been used to justify the 2016 killing of Ashtian Barnes, a Black man shot during a traffic stop outside Houston. Officer Roberto Felix fired two shots into Barnes’s moving car after stepping onto the doorsill. The lower courts determined that only the two seconds before the shooting—when Felix was holding onto the vehicle—mattered in deciding whether the use of deadly force was reasonable. The Supreme Court disagreed. Writing for the unanimous Court, Justice Elena Kagan made clear that determining whether an officer’s use of force is reasonable under the Fourth Amendment requires an analysis of the totality of the circumstances, including all events leading up to the shooting. “A court deciding a use-of-force case cannot review the totality of the circumstances if it has put on chronological blinders,” the Court ruled.
The victim’s mother, Janice Barnes, brought the case under Section 1983, alleging that Felix violated her son’s constitutional rights. The ruling sends the case back to the lower courts for reconsideration under the broader standard set by the Supreme Court. According to the Constitutional Accountability Center (CAC), the Court’s ruling solidifies that police do not have special constitutional status and should be held to the same accountability standards. “The moment-of-threat rule is entirely unsupported by the Constitution’s text and history,” said Nargis Aslami, a fellow at CAC. Chief Counsel Brianne Gorod added, “The Court took a small but important step toward greater accountability for police officers who violate the Fourth Amendment by inflicting unnecessary violence during their encounters with the public.” The ruling comes as data continue to show disproportionate police encounters and violence against Black Americans. A NAACP Criminal Justice Fact Sheet revealed that a Black person is five times more likely than a white person to be stopped without just cause. Black men are twice as likely to be stopped as Black women. Meanwhile, 65% of Black adults say they have felt targeted because of their race.
Each year, between 900 and 1,100 people are shot and killed by police in the United States. Since 2005, at least 98 non-federal law enforcement officers have been arrested for fatal on-duty shootings. Still, only 35 have been convicted—and just three have been convicted of murder with the convictions upheld. Recent data from the Prison Policy Initiative show that while white residents are most likely to initiate contact with police—for reasons like reporting crimes or seeking help—Black, Hispanic, and Asian individuals are more likely to be on the receiving end of police-initiated contact, including street stops, traffic stops, and arrests. Traffic stops, which remain the most common form of police-initiated contact, are also among the most lethal. According to Mapping Police Violence, over 100 police killings occurred during traffic stops in 2023. The Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that 62% of Black people whose most recent police contact in 2022 was initiated by officers were drivers in traffic stops. That compares to 56% to 59% among other racial groups. Black drivers were searched or arrested at a rate of 9%—more than double that of white drivers and significantly higher than Hispanic or Asian drivers. “The Supreme Court’s decision in Barnes v. Felix is crucial not only for police accountability but also for broader constitutional protections,” the North Star Law Group wrote in a post. “If the Court upholds the ‘moment of threat’ standard, it could make it even harder to hold officers accountable for excessive force. However, if it reinforces the ‘totality of circumstances’ standard or adopts a hybrid approach, it could create a fairer system that protects both civilians and responsible police officers.”
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Workplace Inequity Worsens for Black Women
BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — Meanwhile, they remain underrepresented in high-wage fields like tech, law, and executive management—even when they hold the degrees and credentials to qualify.

By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent
Black women remain the backbone of the U.S. labor force—working more, earning less, and bearing greater burdens across nearly every sector. Even as the country added 177,000 jobs in April, Black women lost 106,000 positions, the steepest decline of any group. Their unemployment rate jumped to 6.1%, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. But the losses go far deeper than a single month of data. Research shows Black women are not only overrepresented in low-wage industries like care, cleaning, education, and food service—they are also consistently denied advancement and paid significantly less than white male peers, even with the same credentials. In its July 2024 report, the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) found Black women working full-time, year-round earned just 69.1 cents for every dollar paid to white men. That figure drops to 49.6 cents in states like Louisiana. “Black women consistently have higher labor force participation rates than other demographics of women,” officials from the National Partnership for Women and Families wrote. Yet those higher participation rates have not translated into pay equity or job security.
The earnings gap grows wider with age. For example, Black women aged 56 to 65 working full-time, year-round, earn just 59.3 cents for every dollar paid to white men in the same age group. Those in leadership roles report disproportionately high dissatisfaction with pay and access to advancement, with 90% of women of color in management saying systemic barriers hinder workplace progress. Additionally, according to a 2022 Health Affairs report, more than one in five Black women in the labor force are in health care—more than any other group. However, nearly two-thirds of them work as licensed practical nurses or aides, and 40% are in long-term care. These roles are among the lowest-paid and highest-risk in the industry, often involving grueling schedules, poor benefits, and unsafe conditions. Beyond health care, the National Employment Law Project found that more than half of Black women work in jobs where they are overrepresented, such as childcare, janitorial work, and food preparation. Meanwhile, they remain underrepresented in high-wage fields like tech, law, and executive management—even when they hold the degrees and credentials to qualify.
In Boston, Charity Wallace, a 37-year-old biotech professional, and Chassity Coston, a 35-year-old middle school principal, both say they’re leaning heavily on community and mental health strategies to cope with workplace challenges. “It’s a constant fight of belonging and really having your girlfriends or your homegirls or my mom and my sister,” Wallace told NBC News. “I complain to them every day about something that’s going on at work. So having that circle of Black women that you can really vent to is important because, again, you cannot let things like this sit. We’ve been silenced for too long.” Limited opportunities for promotion and sponsorship compound the isolation many Black women feel in their workplaces. In 2024, writer Tiffani Lambie described the “invisible struggle for Black women” at work. “The concept of ‘Black Girl Magic’ contributes to the notion that Black women are superheroes,” she wrote. “Although the intent of this movement was to empower and celebrate the uniqueness of Black women, the perception has also put Black women at greater risk of anxiety and depression—conditions that are more chronic and intense in Black women than in others.”
She warned that workplace conditions—marked by fear, lack of support, and erasure—threaten to push more Black women out of leadership and career pipelines. “If left untouched, the number of Black women in leadership and beyond will continue to decline,” Lambie wrote. “It is incumbent on everyone to account for these experiences and create an equitable and safe environment for everyone to succeed.” The Urban Institute recently spoke with a Black woman who transitioned from part-time fast food work to a full-time data entry role after completing a graduate degree. The job offered her better pay, health insurance, and stability. “It gives you a sense of focus and determination,” she said. “Now, I can build my career path.”
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Black Women Decimated by Job Loss in Trump Economy
BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The number of employed Black women dropped from 10.325 million in March to 10.219 million in April. Their unemployment rate jumped from 5.1% to 6.1%, the largest month-to-month increase among all racial and gender groups.

By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent
According to newly released data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, black women experienced the steepest job loss of any demographic group in April, shedding 106,000 jobs. The April report shows a significant setback for Black women in the labor market, even as the U.S. economy added 177,000 jobs and the national unemployment rate held steady at 4.2%. The number of employed Black women dropped from 10.325 million in March to 10.219 million in April. Their unemployment rate jumped from 5.1% to 6.1%, the largest month-to-month increase among all racial and gender groups. Among other findings, the labor force participation rate for Black women edged to 61.2%, indicating a loss in employment and a possible decline in overall workforce engagement. The unemployment rate for white women remained unchanged at 3.3%. Hispanic women’s unemployment also held at 4.6%. Women in other groups generally do not face the dual barriers of racial and gender discrimination that Black women contend with, a factor in the jobless rate gap.
The overall Black unemployment rate rose to 6.3% in April, up from 6.2% in March, marking the third straight monthly increase and the highest rate since January. In contrast, Black men saw a gain in employment, dropping their jobless rate from 6.1% to 5.6%. Asian Americans had the lowest unemployment rate in April at 3.0%, while the rate for Hispanic Americans was 5.2% and 3.8% for white Americans. HBCU Money reported that the number of Black women employed is now at a five-month low, while the number of unemployed Black women is at a five-month high. Economist William Michael Cunningham, owner of Creative Investment Research, told BLACK ENTERPRISE that the number of unemployed Black Americans increased by 29,000 in April, reaching nearly 1.4 million. At the same time, the total Black labor force declined by 7,000. “The unusual nature of this increase in Black women’s unemployment is a testament to and a direct result of the anti-DEI and anti-Black focus of the new administration’s policies,” Cunningham said. “This is demonstrably damaging to the Black community, something we have not seen before.”
Cunningham noted that many Black women are searching for jobs but not finding them. He said eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion roles and cuts in federal government jobs are key contributors. The BLS reported that federal government employment dropped by 9,000 in April and is down 26,000 since January. “For Black women, the numbers show that those seeking work are not finding jobs,” Cunningham said. “The jobs that have traditionally been a path to stability are disappearing.” Nationwide, job growth continued in health care, transportation and warehousing, financial activities, and social assistance. Average hourly earnings increased by six cents to $36.06. The Employment Situation for May is scheduled for release on Friday, June 6.
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