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In Wisconsin’s Capital City, Police Protests Stay Peaceful

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Supporters participate in a during a demonstration for Tony Robinson along Williamson Street in Madison, Wis., Wednesday, May 13, 2015. Dane County District Attorney Ismael Ozanne said Tuesday, May 12, that he wouldn't file charges against Madison Officer Matt Kenny in the March 6 death of Robinson, saying the officer used lawful deadly force after he was staggered by a punch to the head and feared for his life. (John Hart/Wisconsin State Journal via AP)

Supporters participate in a during a demonstration for Tony Robinson along Williamson Street in Madison, Wis., Wednesday, May 13, 2015. (John Hart/Wisconsin State Journal via AP)

Todd Richmond, ASSOCIATED PRESS

 
MADISON, Wis. (AP) — When a white police officer killed an unarmed biracial teen in Wisconsin’s capital city, the shooting quickly heightened tensions and stirred up protests.

But no one has hurled so much as a pebble, broken anything or thrown any punches in protests since Officer Matt Kenney shot 19-year-old Tony Robinson in March in a home near the Capitol building. The approximately two dozen arrests so far have involved protesters blocking traffic.

Instead, police-community relationships, demographics, traditions and cooler heads helped keep Madison’s streets peaceful — at least so far.

“I think the people in this city are … pretty good about voicing their emotions without running around and tearing things up,” said Andrea Irwin, Robinson’s mother. “I don’t think that’s ever happened in Madison.”

Dane County District Attorney Ismael Ozanne raised the ante Tuesday when he announced he would not charge Kenny in Robinson’s death, saying the officer’s actions were justified because Robinson, who was high on hallucinogenic mushrooms, punched Kenny in the head.

The Young, Gifted and Black Coalition, an activist group that has been organizing the protests, led about 200 people on a march through the city’s downtown Wednesday. During a mock trial on the Dane County Courthouse steps, they found Kenny guilty of homicide and then sat in the street before finally dispersing. About two dozen people were taken away in handcuffs after they refused to clear the road, and almost all were released with a $124 misdemeanor fine.

Madison is unlikely to explode like Ferguson, Missouri, or Baltimore, which saw riots break out over police-related killings, said Carl Taylor, a Michigan State University sociology professor who has researched youth culture and violence. Madison doesn’t suffer from high unemployment and other large-scale social problems that can exacerbate civil unrest, Taylor said.

African-Americans make up only about 7 percent of the population in Madison, compared with more than 60 percent in both Ferguson and Baltimore. Police here say they have tried to build trust in the community, meeting with minority leaders and putting officers through diversity training.

Protests have become a regular part of Madison life, too. The city, known as one of the nation’s most liberal, saw tens of thousands of people converge on the state Capitol for three straight weeks in 2011 to rally against Republican Gov. Scott Walker’s plan to strip public workers of their union rights. Passions rode much higher over that issue than in Robinson’s death, and everyone stayed peaceful.

Still, Police Chief Mike Koval began working to avoid what he called Ferguson’s “missteps” in the first hours following the shooting.

Ferguson police initially gave little information about the death of Michael Brown and took a week to identify the officer who shot him. They released video the same day showing what they said was Brown robbing a store.

Koval, in contrast, rushed to Robinson’s mother’s home to offer his condolences hours after the shooting and prayed with his grandmother. He identified Kenny the day after Robinson’s death.

He also volunteered that Kenny had killed a man in the line of duty in 2007 and had been cleared of any wrongdoing. He declined to discuss Robinson’s armed robbery conviction last year, saying commenting on his past would be inappropriate.

Ozanne prefaced his announcement Tuesday with condolences to Robinson’s family. He pointed out that he himself is biracial and is Wisconsin’s first district attorney of color. He also mentioned his mother, who participated in Freedom Summer, the famous 1964 effort to register black voters in Mississippi, and how she still fears for his safety because of his color.

But, he said, he had to base his decision on the facts.

“My decision is not based on emotion,” he said. “This decision is guided by the rule of law.”

A number of community groups mobilized volunteers to monitor Wednesday’s protests and to caution demonstrators against committing any crimes.

“This is the type of partnerships we think we need,” Madison police spokesman Joel DeSpain said. “We all need to work together to show people a better path.”

The protesters are still seething, though. Alix Shabazz, a Young Gifted and Black leader, told demonstrators on Wednesday not to talk to any officers.

“They are not your friend,” she told the crowd. “There is nothing positive that is going to come from that” interaction, she said.

Reaction to a recent shooting in Detroit has played out much the same way. Demonstrators held protests and marches over the death of 20-year-old Terrance Kellom, a black man shot by a federal agent during a fugitive sweep last month. But the demonstrations have been peaceful so far. Detroit’s black police chief met with Kellom’s family the day of the shooting.

Protest leaders say the peace has nothing to do with police and everything to do with the community members who want to make changes through the political process rather than violence.

“We feel we can use the leverage of political power to make people act, prosecutors and police,” said Ron Scott of the Detroit Coalition Against Police Brutality.

___

Associated Press writers Dana Ferguson and Kia Farhang in Madison and Corey Williams in Detroit contributed to this report.
Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Activism

Oakland Post: Week of December 25 – 31, 2024

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of December 25 – 31, 2024

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Activism

OPINION: “My Girl,” The Temptations, and Nikki Giovanni

Giovanni was probably one of the most famous young African American women in the 1960s, known for her fiery poetry. But even that description is tame. The New York Times obit headline practically buried her historical impact: “Nikki Giovanni, Poet Who Wrote of Black Joy, Dies at 81.” That doesn’t begin to touch the fire of Giovanni’s work through her lifetime.

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Nikki Giovanni. Courtesy of Nikki-Giovanni.com
Nikki Giovanni. Courtesy of Nikki-Giovanni.com

By Emil Guillermo

The Temptations, the harmonizing, singing dancing man-group of your OG youth, were on “The Today Show,” earlier this week.

There were some new members, no David Ruffin. But Otis Williams, 83, was there still crooning and preening, leading the group’s 60th anniversary performance of “My Girl.”

When I first heard “My Girl,” I got it.

I was 9 and had a crush on Julie Satterfield, with the braided ponytails in my catechism class. Unfortunately, she did not become my girl.

But that song was always a special bridge in my life. In college, I was a member of a practically all-White, all-male club that mirrored the demographics at that university. At the parties, the song of choice was “My Girl.”

Which is odd, because the party was 98% men.

The organization is a little better now, with women, people of color and LGBTQ+, but back in the 70s, the Tempts music was the only thing that integrated that club.

POETRY’S “MY GIRL”

The song’s anniversary took me by surprise. But not as much as the death of Nikki Giovanni.

Giovanni was probably one of the most famous young African American women in the 1960s, known for her fiery poetry. But even that description is tame.

The New York Times obit headline practically buried her historical impact: “Nikki Giovanni, Poet Who Wrote of Black Joy, Dies at 81.”

That doesn’t begin to touch the fire of Giovanni’s work through her lifetime.

I’ll always see her as the Black female voice that broke through the silence of good enough.  In 1968, when cities were burning all across America, Giovanni was the militant female voice of a revolution.

Her “The True Import of Present Dialogue: Black vs. Negro,” is the historical record of racial anger as literature from the opening lines.

It reads profane and violent, shockingly so then. These days, it may seem tamer than rap music.

But it’s jarring and pulls no punches. It protests Vietnam, and what Black men were asked to do for their country.

“We kill in Viet Nam,” she wrote. “We kill for UN & NATO & SEATO & US.”

Written in 1968, it was a poem that spoke to the militancy and activism of the times. And she explained herself in a follow up, “My Poem.”

“I am 25 years old, Black female poet,” she wrote referring to her earlier controversial poem. “If they kill me. It won’t stop the revolution.”

Giovanni wrote more poetry and children’s books. She taught at Rutgers, then later Virginia Tech where she followed her fellow professor who would become her spouse, Virginia C. Fowler.

Since Giovanni’s death, I’ve read through her poetry, from what made her famous, to her later poems that revealed her humanity and compassion for all of life.

In “Allowables,” she writes of finding a spider on a book, then killing it.

And she scared me
And I smashed her
I don’t think
I’m allowed
To kill something
Because I am
Frightened

For Giovanni, her soul was in her poetry, and the revolution was her evolution.

About the Author

Emil Guillermo is a journalist, commentator, and solo performer. Join him at www.patreon.com/emilamok 

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Black History

Book Review: In Slavery’s Wake: Making Black Freedom in the World

It’s a tale of heroes: the Maroons, who created communities in unwanted swampland, and welcomed escaped slaves into their midst; Sarah Baartman, the “Hottentot Venus”; Marème Diarra, who walked more than 2000 miles from Sudan to Senegal with her children to escape slavery; enslaved farmers and horticulturists; and everyday people who still talk about slavery and what the institution left behind.

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Book cover. Courtesy of Smithsonian Books.
Book cover. Courtesy of Smithsonian Books.

By Terri Schlichenmeyer

Ever since you learned how it happened you couldn’t get it out of your mind.

People, packed like pencils in a box, tightly next to each other, one by one by one, tier after tier. They couldn’t sit up, couldn’t roll over or scratch an itch or keep themselves clean on a ship that took them from one terrible thing to another. And in the new book In Slavery’s Wake,” essays by various contributors, you’ll see what trailed in waves behind those vessels.

You don’t need to be told about the horrors of slavery. You’ve grown up knowing about it, reading about it, thinking about everything that’s happened because of it in the past four hundred years. And so have others: in 2014, a committee made of “key staff from several world museums” gathered to discuss “telling the story of racial slavery and colonialism as a world system…” so that together, they could implement a “ten-year road map to expand… our practices of truth telling…”

Here, the effects of slavery are compared to the waves left by a moving ship, a wake the story of which some have tried over time to diminish.

It’s a tale filled with irony. Says one contributor, early American Colonists held enslaved people but believed that King George had “unjustly enslaved” the colonists.

It’s the story of a British company that crafted shackles and cuffs and that still sells handcuffs “used worldwide by police and militaries” today.

It’s a tale of heroes: the Maroons, who created communities in unwanted swampland, and welcomed escaped slaves into their midst; Sarah Baartman, the “Hottentot Venus”; Marème Diarra, who walked more than 2000 miles from Sudan to Senegal with her children to escape slavery; enslaved farmers and horticulturists; and everyday people who still talk about slavery and what the institution left behind.

Today, discussions about cooperation and diversity remain essential.

Says one essayist, “… embracing a view of history with a more expansive definition of archives in all their forms must be fostered in all societies.”

Unless you’ve been completely unaware and haven’t been paying attention for the past 150 years, a great deal of what you’ll read inside “In Slavery’s Wake” is information you already knew and images you’ve already seen.

Look again, though, because this comprehensive book isn’t just about America and its history. It’s about slavery, worldwide, yesterday and today.

Casual readers – non-historians especially – will, in fact, be surprised to learn, then, about slavery on other continents, how Africans left their legacies in places far from home, and how the “wake” they left changed the worlds of agriculture, music, and culture. Tales of individual people round out the narrative, in legends that melt into the stories of others and present new heroes, activists, resisters, allies, and tales that are inspirational and thrilling.

This book is sometimes a difficult read and is probably best consumed in small bites that can be considered with great care to appreciate fully. Start “In Slavery’s Wake,” though, and you won’t be able to get it out of your mind.

Edited by Paul Gardullo, Johanna Obenda, and Anthony Bogues, Author: Various Contributors, c.2024, Smithsonian Books, $39.95

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