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Oklahoma’s Hope for Cashing In on Heritage Becomes a Debacle

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A picture of what the interior of the  unfinished American Indian Cultural Center and Museum will look like one day is on display inside the Museum in Oklahoma City, Tuesday, March 4, 2014. After nearly 10 years and $90 million spent, the state’s attempt to build the tourism centerpiece – a Smithsonian-quality museum of native American culture -- has turned into a curious spectacle on full display before hundreds of thousands of motorists who drive by it every day.  (AP Photo/Sue Ogrocki, File)

A picture of what the interior of the unfinished American Indian Cultural Center and Museum will look like one day is on display inside the Museum in Oklahoma City, Tuesday, March 4, 2014. After nearly 10 years and $90 million spent, the state’s attempt to build the tourism centerpiece a Smithsonian-quality museum of native American culture — has turned into a curious spectacle on full display before hundreds of thousands of motorists who drive by it every day. (AP Photo/Sue Ogrocki, File)

SEAN MURPHY, Associated Press

OKLAHOMA CITY (AP) — Like many states, Oklahoma wants to be a tourist destination. And leaders here believe they have an ideal attraction: Oklahoma’s heritage as the U.S. Indian Territory in the 1800s and as home to 39 tribes.

But after nearly 10 years and $90 million spent, what was to be the centerpiece for a tourism magnet, a Smithsonian-quality museum of Native American culture, has become a costly debacle that had yet to lure its first visitor and is stirring sour feelings among the Indians whose traditions would be portrayed.

Strategically located at the crossroads of two major interstates, and next to Oklahoma City’s glitzy redeveloped downtown entertainment district, sits a modernistic complex of C-shaped buildings that is large enough to fit 30 football fields but only half finished and out of money.

Another $40 million is needed for the project, but the Legislature is balking at paying, in a head-on collision between the state’s tourism ambitions and its increasingly conservative, anti-spending politics.

“The state was too aggressive here and bit off more than it could chew,” said Republican Rep. Jason Murphey, one of many legislators in the GOP-controlled House who opposes more state money for the museum. “And we’re paying for that mistake, but this isn’t the time to double down.”

Even the support of the state’s Republican governor, Mary Fallin, and the state Senate and an earlier pledge of $40 million in mostly private funds haven’t broken the stalemate, which will confront the Legislature when it reconvenes next month.

In another twist, the recent swoon in oil prices may now make any appropriation harder to get, even though the price drop has underscored the need to diversify the state’s energy-dependent economy.

“Our caucus has brainstormed on some different ideas, and I don’t have an answer today about what that looks like,” said House Speaker Jeffrey Hickman.

The vision for the Indian attraction began in the 1980s when oil prices collapsed from more than $35 per barrel to below $10. Oil and gas production taxes accounted for more than one-third of the state-appropriated budget at the time.

Studies projected that a Native American cultural center could bring in up to 225,000 visitors and $190 million annually. The Legislature approved a series of bond issues to pay for it.

The museum would weave together the stories of the dozens of tribes forced by the U.S. government to move out of the path of white expansion in other regions to the remote prairies of what is now Oklahoma. The forced removals included the notorious “Trail of Tears,” in which more than 17,000 Cherokees were marched overland from their ancestral home in Georgia. An estimated 4,000 died during the trek.

About 120,000 Indians overall were resettled here before the territory itself was gradually opened to white settlers in a series of land runs beginning in the late 1880s.

Oklahoma — named after the Choctaw word for “red people” — has a story ripe for presentation to visitors, according to historians and museum experts.

“Because of the unprecedented and unequalled assemblage of Indian nations in Oklahoma, it’s a very unique story and one that is national in scope,” said Kevin Gover, director of the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, D.C.

The Smithsonian has offered a major loan of artifacts from its huge Native American collection.

The museum’s ambitious design features several huge galleries, a multipurpose theater and a gathering space dubbed the Hall of the People. Towering stone walls at one entrance were built with thousands of individual stones that symbolized the tribes’ journeys to Oklahoma. The site includes a 90-foot-tall earthen mound visible for miles, inspired by the mound building Native American cultures.

But the project didn’t get the federal funds its backers expected, and the Legislature, which grew more conservative in recent elections, wouldn’t approve another bond issue.

Although the Indian history portrayed is one of struggle and loss, many Native Americans in Oklahoma welcomed the tribute and have been put off by the political fight, especially suggestions that the tribes themselves put up the needed money — beyond the $20 million they’ve already kicked in — to finish what was always a state project.

“I don’t understand why it hasn’t been completed,” said Kelly Haney, a renowned Native American artist and former chief of the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma. “I’ve never lost my faith in the fact that the cultural center will be built. I still think it will. I just don’t know how.”

___

Follow Sean Murphy at www.twitter.com/apseanmurphy

 

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Oakland Post: Week of December 31, 2025 – January 6, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of – December 31, 2025 – January 6, 2026

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2025 in Review: Seven Questions for Assemblymember Lori Wilson — Advocate for Equity, the Environment, and More

Her rise has also included several historic firsts: she is the only Black woman ever appointed to lead the influential Assembly Transportation Committee, and the first freshman legislator elected Chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. She has also been a vocal advocate for vulnerable communities, becoming the first California legislator to publicly discuss being the parent of a transgender child — an act of visibility that has helped advanced representation at a time when political tensions related to social issues and culture have intensified. 

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Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City). File photo.
Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City). File photo.

By Edward Henderson, California Black Media 

Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City) joined the California Legislature in 2022 after making history as Solano County’s first Black female mayor, bringing with her a track record of fiscal discipline, community investment, and inclusive leadership.

She represents the state’s 11th Assembly District, which spans Solano County and portions of Contra Costa and Sacramento Counties.

Her rise has also included several historic firsts: she is the only Black woman ever appointed to lead the influential Assembly Transportation Committee, and the first freshman legislator elected Chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. She has also been a vocal advocate for vulnerable communities, becoming the first California legislator to publicly discuss being the parent of a transgender child — an act of visibility that has helped advanced representation at a time when political tensions related to social issues and culture have intensified.

California Black Media spoke with Wilson about her successes and disappointments this year and her outlook for 2026.

What stands out as your most important achievement this year?

Getting SB 237 passed in the Assembly. I had the opportunity to co-lead a diverse workgroup of colleagues, spanning a wide range of ideological perspectives on environmental issues.

How did your leadership contribute to improving the lives of Black Californians this year?

The Black Caucus concentrated on the Road to Repair package and prioritized passing a crucial bill that remained incomplete during my time as chair, which establishes a process for identifying descendants of enslaved people for benefit eligibility.

What frustrated you the most this year?

The lack of progress made on getting Prop 4 funds allocated to socially disadvantaged farmers. This delay has real consequences. These farmers have been waiting for essential support that was promised. Watching the process stall, despite the clear need and clear intent of the voters, has been deeply frustrating and reinforces how much work remains to make our systems more responsive and equitable.

What inspired you the most this year?

The resilience of Californians persists despite the unprecedented attacks from the federal government. Watching people stay engaged, hopeful, and determined reminded me why this work matters and why we must continue to protect the rights of every community in our state.

What is one lesson you learned this year that will inform your decision-making next year?

As a legislator, I have the authority to demand answers to my questions — and accept nothing less. That clarity has strengthened my approach to oversight and accountability.

In one word, what is the biggest challenge Black Californians are facing currently?

Affordability and access to quality educational opportunities.

What is the goal you want to achieve most in 2026?

Advance my legislative agenda despite a complex budget environment. The needs across our communities are real, and even in a tight fiscal year, I’m committed to moving forward policies that strengthen safety, expand opportunity, and improve quality of life for the people I represent.

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2025 in Review: Seven Questions for Assemblymember Tina McKinnor, Champion of Reparations, Housing and Workers’ Rights

In 2025, McKinnor pushed forward legislation on renters’ protections, re-entry programs, reparations legislation, and efforts to support Inglewood Unified School District. She spoke with California Black Media about the past year and her work. Here are her responses.

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Assemblymember Tina McKinnor (D-Inglewood). File photo.
Assemblymember Tina McKinnor (D-Inglewood). File photo.

By Joe W. Bowers Jr., California Black Media 

Assemblymember Tina McKinnor (D-Inglewood) represents

California’s 61st Assembly District.

As a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus (CLBC),

McKinnor was elected in 2022. She chairs the Los Angeles County Legislative Delegation and leads the Assembly Public Employment and Retirement Committee. McKinnor also served as a civic engagement director, managed political campaigns, and worked as chief of staff for former Assemblymembers Steven Bradford and Autumn Burke.

In 2025, McKinnor pushed forward legislation on renters’ protections, re-entry programs, reparations legislation, and efforts to support Inglewood Unified School District. She spoke with California Black Media about the past year and her work. Here are her responses.

Looking back on 2025, what do you see as your biggest win?

Assembly Bill (AB) 628. If rent is $3,000, people should at least have a stove and a refrigerator. It’s ridiculous that people were renting without basic appliances.

I’m also proud that I was able to secure $8.4 million in the state budget for people coming home from incarceration. That includes the Homecoming Project, the menopause program for incarcerated women, and the Justice Leaders Program.

How did your leadership help make life better for Black Californians this year?

After the Eaton Fire, I pushed to get the same kind of support for affected areas that wealthier regions get after disasters.

I also did a lot of work building political power— establishing the Black Legacy PAC and California for All of Us PAC so we could support Black candidates and educate voters. We also called voters to make sure they understood Prop 50.

People need to understand this: there are only 12 Black legislators in the Capitol. Folks act like we can just walk in and pass reparations, but that’s not how it works.

What frustrated you most this year?

The governor did not have the political will to sign these bills: AB 57 and AB 62. They both passed overwhelmingly in the Assembly and the Senate. We did the work. The only person who didn’t have the political will to sign them was the governor.

The public needs to ask the governor why he didn’t sign the bills. We can’t keep letting people off the hook. He has to answer.

I also introduced AB 51 — the bill to eliminate interest payments on Inglewood Unified School District’s long-standing state loan — held in the Appropriations Committee. That was frustrating,

What inspired you most in 2025?

The civil rights trip to Alabama was life changing. We visited the Legacy Museum and the National Memorial for Peace and Justice. We took members of the Black, Latino, Jewish, and API caucuses with us. It changed all of us.

People aren’t always against us — they just don’t know our history.

What’s one lesson from 2025 that will shape how you approach decisions next year?

The legislative trip to Norway taught me that collaboration matters. Government, labor, and industry sit down together there. They don’t make villains. Everybody doesn’t get everything they want, but they solve problems.

What’s the biggest challenge facing Black Californians in one word?

Inequity. It shows up in housing, wealth, stress – all these things.

What’s the number one goal you want to accomplish in 2026?

Bringing back AB 57 and AB 62, and securing money for the Inglewood Unified loan interest forgiveness.

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