Opinion
Op-Ed: The Continuing Fight for The Right to Vote
A panel of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously rebuked the North Carolina legislature for acting with “discriminatory intent” in passing restrictions on the right to vote that “target African-Americans with almost surgical precision.”
The decision came as we approach the 51st anniversary of the Voting Rights Act on August 6. Reinforced by similar rulings in the appellate court in Texas and a district court in Wisconsin, the decision is a victory for our democracy and our Constitution.
The voting impediments were passed by North Carolina in 2013 in the wake of the Supreme decision in Shelby v. Holder which struck down the central provision of the Voting Rights Act: the requirement that areas with a history of discrimination gain prior approval from the Justice Department before changing voting regulations.
Chief Justice John Roberts, the activist Republican judge, decided to rewrite the law that was passed with overwhelming bipartisan support, arguing that since we now live in a “post-racial society,” requiring prior approval for voting law changes was no longer justified.
The flood of legislation that followed — all erecting barriers to make voting harder for African-Americans in particular — proved the chief justice’s fantasy was a lie.
In North Carolina, the legislature acted immediately after the Supreme Court decision came down. Its motivation, the Fourth Circuit panel found, was clear.
African-American turnout had surged in 2008 and 2012 (with Barack Obama at the head of the Democratic ticket), nearing parity with the turnout of white voters for the first time. Obama had taken the state in 2008 and lost it closely in 2012.
But in 2010, conservative Republicans had taken control of the legislature and the statehouse.
The new majority acted aggressively to fend off the threat posed by growing African-American turnout.
As Judge Diana Motz, writing for the unanimous panel, summarized, the legislators “requested data on the use, by race, of a number of voting practices. Upon receipt of the race data, the General Assembly enacted legislation that restricted voting and registration in five different ways, all of which disproportionately affected African-Americans.”
The three-judge panel in Richmond, Virginia, unanimously concluded that the law was racially discriminatory, overturning a requirement that voters show photo identification to vote and restoring same-day voter registration, a week of early voting, pre-registration for teenagers, and out-of-precinct voting.
As Ari Berman, the voting rights expert who reports for The Nation magazine noted, the decision comes after North Carolina’s presidential primary in March provided a troubling indication of what might be expected in the general election — students waiting in three-hour lines, foreign-born U.S. citizens asked to spell their names to poll workers for no reason, and elderly voters born during Jim Crow turned away from the polls for not meeting the new ID requirements.
“The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals exposed for the world to see the racist intent of the extremist element of our government in North Carolina,” exulted the Rev. William Barber II, president of the North Carolina NAACP, on a press call Friday afternoon. “The ruling is a people’s victory, and it is a victory that sends a message to the nation.”
Dr. Martin Luther King led the movement that culminated in the Voting Rights Act over a half-century ago. He understood that voting was the foundational right of citizenship.
To strip someone of the right to vote is to strip them of their place in a self-governing community. In a 1957 speech entitled “Give Us the Ballot,” King argued, “So long as I do not firmly and irrevocably possess the right to vote I do not possess myself. I cannot make up my mind — it is made up for me. I cannot live as a democratic citizen observing the laws I have helped to enact — I can only submit to the edict of others.”
King understood that discriminatory election laws not only hurt minorities or the working poor, they also undermined the legitimacy of our elections and thus of our government.
The North Carolina decision and similar decisions in Texas and Wisconsin offer the hope that the courts will act to frustrate at least the most blatant versions of new Jim Crow laws. Those decisions will remove barriers for literally millions of voters.
But the courts can only reaffirm the right to vote. That right is not effective if it is not used. The courts have lowered the barriers in North Carolina and other states.
Now the citizens must mobilize and vote in large numbers to exercise the power that they have.
Activism
OPINION: “My Girl,” The Temptations, and Nikki Giovanni
Giovanni was probably one of the most famous young African American women in the 1960s, known for her fiery poetry. But even that description is tame. The New York Times obit headline practically buried her historical impact: “Nikki Giovanni, Poet Who Wrote of Black Joy, Dies at 81.” That doesn’t begin to touch the fire of Giovanni’s work through her lifetime.
By Emil Guillermo
The Temptations, the harmonizing, singing dancing man-group of your OG youth, were on “The Today Show,” earlier this week.
There were some new members, no David Ruffin. But Otis Williams, 83, was there still crooning and preening, leading the group’s 60th anniversary performance of “My Girl.”
When I first heard “My Girl,” I got it.
I was 9 and had a crush on Julie Satterfield, with the braided ponytails in my catechism class. Unfortunately, she did not become my girl.
But that song was always a special bridge in my life. In college, I was a member of a practically all-White, all-male club that mirrored the demographics at that university. At the parties, the song of choice was “My Girl.”
Which is odd, because the party was 98% men.
The organization is a little better now, with women, people of color and LGBTQ+, but back in the 70s, the Tempts music was the only thing that integrated that club.
POETRY’S “MY GIRL”
The song’s anniversary took me by surprise. But not as much as the death of Nikki Giovanni.
Giovanni was probably one of the most famous young African American women in the 1960s, known for her fiery poetry. But even that description is tame.
The New York Times obit headline practically buried her historical impact: “Nikki Giovanni, Poet Who Wrote of Black Joy, Dies at 81.”
That doesn’t begin to touch the fire of Giovanni’s work through her lifetime.
I’ll always see her as the Black female voice that broke through the silence of good enough. In 1968, when cities were burning all across America, Giovanni was the militant female voice of a revolution.
Her “The True Import of Present Dialogue: Black vs. Negro,” is the historical record of racial anger as literature from the opening lines.
It reads profane and violent, shockingly so then. These days, it may seem tamer than rap music.
But it’s jarring and pulls no punches. It protests Vietnam, and what Black men were asked to do for their country.
“We kill in Viet Nam,” she wrote. “We kill for UN & NATO & SEATO & US.”
Written in 1968, it was a poem that spoke to the militancy and activism of the times. And she explained herself in a follow up, “My Poem.”
“I am 25 years old, Black female poet,” she wrote referring to her earlier controversial poem. “If they kill me. It won’t stop the revolution.”
Giovanni wrote more poetry and children’s books. She taught at Rutgers, then later Virginia Tech where she followed her fellow professor who would become her spouse, Virginia C. Fowler.
Since Giovanni’s death, I’ve read through her poetry, from what made her famous, to her later poems that revealed her humanity and compassion for all of life.
In “Allowables,” she writes of finding a spider on a book, then killing it.
And she scared me
And I smashed her
I don’t think
I’m allowed
To kill something
Because I am
Frightened
For Giovanni, her soul was in her poetry, and the revolution was her evolution.
About the Author
Emil Guillermo is a journalist, commentator, and solo performer. Join him at www.patreon.com/emilamok
Activism
In addition to his work with the NAACP, Rick Callender is the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Valley Water in San Jose. In that role, he oversees an integrated water resources system with functions that include managing the supply of clean, safe water; instituting flood protections; and handling environmental stewardship of waterways for Santa Clara County’s 1.9 million residents.
By Edward Henderson, California Black Media
Rick L. Callender holds multiple influential roles. He is the President of the California/Hawaii State Conference of the NAACP (Cal-HI NAACP) and serves on the National NAACP Board of Directors.
Under his leadership, Cal-HI NAACP operates 74 branches and youth units across the state to push initiatives focused on racial justice and equality.
In addition to his work with the NAACP, Callender is the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Valley Water in San Jose. In that role, he oversees an integrated water resources system with functions that include managing the supply of clean, safe water; instituting flood protections; and handling environmental stewardship of waterways for Santa Clara County’s 1.9 million residents.
Recently, California Black Media (CBM) interviewed Callender. He reflected on the organization’s accomplishments, challenges they have faced, lessons learned this year, and goals moving forward.
Responses have been edited for length and clarity.
Looking back at 2024, what stands out to you as your most important achievement and why?
One of the things I’m most proud of is the support of policy changes related to the Ebony Alert, which went into place this year. That legislation ensured that Black girls and missing Black women would have their own alert. Often, when they go missing you don’t hear about it for weeks later.
How did your leadership and investments contribute to improving the lives of Black Californians?
It’s not my leadership, it’s the NAACP’s leadership. We’ve helped with legal consultations. Often, when you have something that occurs to you, some people can’t afford a legal consultation. We’ve cleared that hurdle for folks, so they don’t have to worry about the fee.
What frustrated you the most over the last year?
The pullback of a commitment to our community and the pullback from corporations on financing DEI initiatives, equity and civil rights. People have tried to make DEI sound like a salacious word. When you see these funds disappear, it’s because people erroneously think that they promote racism.
What inspired you the most over the last year?
The resilience and the determination of our youth. The youth have always led — not only the civil rights movement — but they have been the ones who will always be willing to step up.
It’s seeing a new Black leadership step up and being able to continue to fight.
What is one lesson you learned in 2024 that will inform your decision-making next year?
This is one thing: we can’t get distracted. We have to stay focused.
In one word, what is the biggest challenge Black Californians face?
Equity. Put anything in front of the word equity, and that’s what we face, from educational equity, criminal justice equity. Equity as it deals with economics. And just being able to make sure that we have the access to do what we need to do.
What is the goal you want to achieve most in 2025?
Staying focused on organizing around elections – and winning.
Activism
COMMENTARY: Will a Dictator’s Loss Change Trump’s Tune?
What’s happened in Syria has the potential of reshaping the politics of the entire Middle East. The U.S. can’t afford to sit back and do nothing. Now is the time to exert peaceful, diplomatic influence on how Syria maintains stability and goes forward with a new democracy.
By Emil Guillermo
In our polarized country, half of America can’t wait, while many of us still wonder, “where’s Kamala?”
I hope President-elect Trump — who famously said during the campaign that he’d be a dictator on day one — eats his words.
Dictators aren’t doing so well these days.
Last weekend, the dictator Bashar al-Assad was run out of Syria and sought exile with his puppet master/dictator Vladimir Putin of Russia. In just about two weeks, a coalition of rebels applied enough pressure to end a family regime in Syria that lasted 50 years.
al-Assad’s wealthy family dictatorship plundered Syria and ruled in terror.
It sounds all too familiar to Filipino Americans, many of whom came to the U.S. fleeing the Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
al-Assad’s end was different from the Filipinos who forged a peaceful People Power movement that chased the Marcos family to Hawaii where they sought refuge from their U.S. puppet handlers.
But as in Manila, there was cheering on the streets of Syria. Men, women, and children. Christian, Muslims, different sects and ethnicities, all united against al-Assad.
al-Assad has been described as a genocidal narco-trafficking tyrant, whose friends were America’s biggest enemies, Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia, said Mouaz Moustafa, the executive director of the Syrian Emergency Task Force, on CNN.
Moustafa said it was amazing that there would be no more Russian airstrikes, no more al-Assad gulags torturing civilians. “To see good triumph over evil is an amazing thing,” he added.
But last weekend has some trickle down.
Consider that we are talking about al-Assad, the one Tulsi Gabbard consorted with and hyped to her colleagues when she was in Congress. Now Assad has been shamed into exile with his puppet master Russia, and Gabbard wants to be the U.S. director of national security? Given her wrongheaded judgment on al-Assad, can she be trusted with any national secrets?
It’s still not over in Syria, as now there will be a scramble to see what kind of governing democracy emerges.
Predictably, Donald Trump has said, “The United States should have nothing to do with it. This is not our fight. Let it play out. Do not get involved.”
Nouveau isolationism?
What’s happened in Syria has the potential of reshaping the politics of the entire Middle East. The U.S. can’t afford to sit back and do nothing. Now is the time to exert peaceful, diplomatic influence on how Syria maintains stability and goes forward with a new democracy.
Overall, the ouster of the dictator should give Trump pause.
If by nominating MAGA loyalists like Gabbard, Pete Hegseth and Kash Patel, Trump’s testing the evolution to strongman rule in the U.S., he should consider what happened before last weekend.
In South Korea, a weak president tried to declare martial law and was voted down by Parliament. That’s a faux strongman.
Let’s hope Trump learns a lesson from the week’s news.
The next president sets the tone for a politics that’s already toxic.
He needs to remember the joy in Syria this week when an autocrat was dumped in the name of freedom and democracy.
About the Author
Emil Guillermo is an award-winning Bay Area journalist. His commentaries are on YouTube.com/@emilamok1. Or join him at www.patreon.com/emilamok
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