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OP-ED: How heavy a burden does a person of color alleging discrimination have to carry to have his day in court?

NNPA NEWSWIRE — The United States Supreme Court’s decision will determine whether a plaintiff who alleges race discrimination pursuant to 42 USC 1981 may have his or her day in court if he or she can show that racial discrimination was a factor, even among others, in a defendant’s refusal to do business.

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By Falen O. Cox, Esq., Founding Partner, Cox, Rodman, and Middleton

The case, Comcast Corp. v. National Association of African American Owned Media and Entertainment Studios Networks, is, on the surface, a case about procedural issues. Beneath the surface it is about the ease or complexity a plaintiff may face when raising claims of racial discrimination under 42 US 1981.

Even though it has reached the United States Supreme Court, procedurally, the lawsuit is in the beginning stages, and the Supreme Court will be deciding whether the plaintiffs (Byron Allen company) may move forward in the legal process to have its “day in court” before a jury, or whether its suit should be dismissed before it reaches a jury or the investigatory process that we lawyers call “discovery.”

During the discovery process each side has an opportunity to ask questions of the other and compel answers, to request documents, and to question potential witnesses. This process is “investigative” and allows the plaintiff to gather the information necessary to present his or her case to a jury, and the defendant the ability to form any defenses he or she may have.

For example, if a plaintiff sues a defendant for rear-ending her at a red light, during the discovery process the plaintiff can ask the defendant whether he was texting at the time of the accident — if he was, the plaintiff can use that to show that the defendant was negligent.

On the other hand, if the plaintiff claims that she has back pain as a result of the collision, the defendant can ask if she has ever had back problems before. If she had been seeing a doctor about back pain prior to the collision, the defendant may be able to show that her back pain was not a result of the collision. However, if the court dismisses a case before the discovery process begins, the case is over, and these “discoveries” are never made.

In short, whether a case makes it to the discovery process, depends on whether the case is allowed to move forward after the plaintiff files a complaint. As common practice, defendants usually file a motion for summary judgement, asking the court to dismiss the plaintiff’s complaint prior to discovery and prior to any decision on the merits of the plaintiff’s claim along with its answer to the plaintiff’s complaint. It is a procedural tactic to prevent the lawsuit from moving further than the written complaint.

There are valid reasons for motions for summary judgement (dismissal). It is designed to make sure that frivolous claims do not overwhelm the court system and to ensure that the court’s limited resources and time are spent on legitimate claims. Additionally, defending a lawsuit can be time consuming and extremely costly for a defendant. A defendant should not have to spend thousands (or in this case probably hundreds of thousands) on legal fees and lost productivity to defend a frivolous claim. The motion for summary judgement acts as a gatekeeper to the legal system.

In this case, the National Association of African-American Owned Media and Entertainment Studios Networks, Inc. (the “Plaintiffs”) filed suit against Comcast, Time-Warner Cable, the former FCC Commissioner, the NAACP, the National Urban League, the National Action Network, and Reverend Al Sharpton alleging that Comcast and the others conspired together to deny it a contract to carry its network/television shows because it is a 100% black-owned company. (Editor’s note: NAN, NUL, and NAACP each are no longer party to the lawsuit).

However, the Court dismissed the suits against everyone except Comcast and Time-Warner for lack of personal jurisdiction, and the plaintiffs abandoned its argument of conspiracy.

At issue now, and before the United States Supreme Court, is whether Comcast, in refusing to contract with the Plaintiff, is in violation of 42 USC 1981. More specifically, whether a plaintiff who alleges discrimination in violation of 42 USC 1981 must allege that racial discrimination was the but for cause of the refusal to contract: “But for the plaintiff’s race, Comcast would have contracted with the plaintiff,” or whether the plaintiff may allege that race was a motivating factor in Comcast’s refusal to contract.

Even though there may have been other reasons that Comcast did not contract with Plaintiffs, the fact that it is a black company was a motivating factor. For context, 42 USC 1981 was enacted in 1886 during Reconstruction (after slavery) and reads:

“All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other.”

The District Court, which acts as a trial court in the federal court system, dismissed the Plaintiff’s complaint three times for failure to state a claim for which relief can be granted. It held that the Plaintiff’s complaint failed to show that, but for racial discrimination, Comcast would have contracted with Plaintiff, and that Plaintiff failed to allege that other companies that Comcast did in fact contract with were similarly situated to Plaintiff.

However, Plaintiff appealed the District Court’s decision to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals which reversed the District Court’s rulings and held that Plaintiff could move forward with its lawsuit. It denied Comcast’s motion for rehearing. Comcast filed a petition for certiorari in the United States Supreme Court, which was granted.

Comcast argues that Plaintiff’s lawsuit should be dismissed because it alleges that Plaintiff’s complaint was insufficient and that it did not allege “but for” causation or refute what Comcast alleges are legitimate business considerations for its refusal to contract with Plaintiff.

Comcast argues that it did not extend a contract to Plaintiff’s as a result of legitimate business practices, e.g.: that it did not have the bandwidth necessary, that it had a preference for sports and news programming, and that there was a lack of demand for Plaintiff’s programming. As a result, Comcast argues that Plaintiffs have failed to show that Comcast would have contracted with them but for Plaintiff’s race.

Comcast points out that it had, within the same time period, considered contracting with ESN; that it had in fact contracted with “Aspire” led by Earvin “Magic” Johnson and Revolt TV led by Sean “Diddy” Combs, which it claims has majority or substantial African-American ownership. Additionally, Comcast alleges that it has carried two 100% black-owned networks, African Channel and Black Family Channel.

Lastly, Comcast argues that Plaintiff’s case should be dismissed because Plaintiff has failed to show that it was similarly situated to the white-owned channels that it did contract with. The reasoning there is that apples must be compared to apples. For instance, if there is a white-owned channel with tremendous interest that is within Comcast’s preferred programming, then the fact that Comcast contracted with that network as opposed to Plaintiff’s — which Comcast alleges does not have interest and is not its preferred programing —is not a result of race discrimination, but instead is Comcast simply choosing the best content for its company.

On the other hand, Plaintiffs allege that it has attempted to contract with Comcast for approximately 8 years and has repeatedly been passed over for white-owned companies despite Comcast’s assurances that its channels were “good enough” and that it was on a “short list.” Additionally, Plaintiff offered its Justice.TV network to Comcast for free and without licensing fees. Comcast declined. As it relates to the lack of bandwidth that Comcast claims is a reason for its refusal to contract, Plaintiff notes that Comcast carries every channel (more than 500) that its competitors carry, except for Plaintiff’s.

Plaintiff’s channels are currently carried on Verizon, FIOS, AT&T, U-Verse, Direct TV, Sudden Link, RCN, Century Link, and many others. Additionally, despite its refusal to contract with Plaintiff as a result of its alleged bandwidth scarcity, Comcast has launched more than 80 lesser known white-owned channels. Plaintiff alleges that during the 8 years that it attempted to contract with Comcast, Comcast directed it to gain field support within the Comcast corporation, once that support had been gained, Plaintiffs were told that field support was no longer a factor.

Next, Plaintiffs were told that it needed Division Support only to be told by the Divisions that it deferred to corporate.

Plaintiffs allege that it spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in marketing and travel to gather support that was deemed necessary, but once achieved, was no longer sufficient.

Most explicit, is Plaintiff’s claim that a Comcast Executive stated, “We’re not trying to create anymore Bob Johnsons.” Bob Johnson is the founder and former owner of B.E.T. which was sold to Viacom for a reported $3 billion.

Plaintiffs allege that Comcast’s refusal to contract, in addition to being motivated by race alone, is also motivated by its desire not to have its networks (and the white-owned networks that it carries) be required to compete with Plaintiff’s networks, which are black-owned.

The United States Supreme Court’s decision will determine whether a plaintiff who alleges race discrimination pursuant to 42 USC 1981 may have his or her day in court if he or she can show that racial discrimination was a factor, even among others, in a defendant’s refusal to do business. If so, the plaintiff will be able to move forward through the legal process — and most importantly, through the discovery process — to investigate his or her claim and obtain the evidence necessary (if it exists) to put the question before a jury.

On the other hand, if the Court rules instead that a plaintiff must allege that, but for racial discrimination, the defendant would have contracted with him or her, a plaintiff looking to have his or her day in court will need much stronger evidence, and will be required to disprove any other reason given by the defendant for its refusal to contract without the benefit of discovery.

For example, if a defendant denies discrimination and instead says that it refused to contract because of limited resources without the benefit of discovery, the plaintiff may never learn that the defendant doubled its spending with white-owned companies within that same time period. To the contrary, this is information that the plaintiff might learn through the discovery process if his or her case is allowed to proceed.

This case, like so many other recent cases, will test the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the strength of civil rights law.

Falen O. Cox is the founding partner and director of operations at the Savannah, Ga.-based law firm of Cox, Rodman and Middleton.

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Federal Raids Target Migrant Kids, Split Families

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The Trump administration has reportedly removed at least 500 migrant children from their homes across the United States and placed them into government custody, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter.

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By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

The Trump administration has reportedly removed at least 500 migrant children from their homes across the United States and placed them into government custody, according to multiple sources familiar with the matter. The children, many of whom were living with family members or other vetted sponsors, were taken during so-called “welfare checks” carried out by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and other federal agencies. According to CNN, the operations are part of a larger campaign launched shortly after President Donald Trump returned to office, with federal authorities setting up a “war room” inside the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to review data on children who entered the country alone and were later released to sponsors. Officials have used the room to coordinate efforts between agencies, including ICE and the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), which oversees the custody of unaccompanied migrant children.

Trump officials claim the effort is aimed at protecting children placed in unsafe conditions or with unqualified sponsors, pointing to cases where children were released to individuals with criminal backgrounds or those involved in smuggling. Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said the welfare checks have led to the arrests of some sponsors and the transfer of children into ORR custody. Federal data shows more than 2,500 children are currently in ORR custody. CNN reported that the average stay has grown significantly, from 67 days in December 2024 to 170 days by April 2025. Former Health and Human Services officials say new vetting rules—including income requirements, government-issued ID, and DNA tests—have made it far more difficult for parents and guardians, particularly those who are undocumented, to reclaim their children.

In some cases, reunifications that had already been scheduled were canceled. A recent lawsuit details how two brothers, ages 7 and 14, remain in government care because their mother cannot meet new documentation requirements under the revised policies. Mark Greenberg, a former senior HHS official, stated that the approach puts children in a difficult situation. “To the extent, the goal is to determine whether children are in danger or in need of help, this isn’t a good way to do that because it creates fear that anything they say could be used against their parent or family member,” he said. Immigration enforcement agents reportedly have visited children’s homes and asked about their journey to the U.S., school attendance, and upcoming immigration court appearances. Legal advocates say these visits, which sometimes include the FBI, are not standard child welfare procedures and can create fear and confusion among minors.

An FBI spokesperson confirmed the agency’s role, saying, “Protecting children is a critical mission for the FBI, and we will continue to work with our federal, state, and local partners to secure their safety and well-being.” Multiple outlets noted that the Trump administration has not provided clear evidence that large numbers of children are missing. Instead, it has referenced a Department of Homeland Security inspector general report from 2023 that noted more than 291,000 unaccompanied minors had not received notices to appear in immigration court. Former officials note that these figures do not necessarily indicate that the children are missing; some lacked updated addresses or were affected by administrative backlogs.

Within HHS, officials were instructed to expedite policy changes. Former ORR Ombudsman Mary Giovagnoli stated that a senior ICE official, Melissa Harper, was temporarily appointed to lead ORR. Her short tenure was followed by Angie Salazar, another former ICE official who now frequently communicates with White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller. Trump’s team argues the Biden administration allowed thousands of unaccompanied children to enter the country without sufficient oversight. Jen Smyers, a former ORR deputy director, stated that all sponsors underwent thorough vetting, including Department of Justice background checks and reviews of the sex offender registry. “No amount of vetting is a predictor of the future,” she said. The Miami Herald recently reported that a 17-year-old foster child in Florida was removed from his home in shackles and transferred to ICE custody. The boy and his mother had crossed the border without documentation, but he had been living in a state-supervised foster placement. The case raised concerns about the state’s cooperation with federal enforcement and the message it sends to immigrant families. Concerns about federal custody of vulnerable children are not confined to immigration.

In North Carolina, a 7-month-old baby died after being left in a hot minivan by her foster mother, who now faces charges of negligent child abuse and involuntary manslaughter. In Hawaii, dozens of children have been forced to sleep in government offices and hotels due to a shortage of foster placements. In North Dakota, a foster couple has been charged in the death of a 3-year-old after surveillance footage showed the child being repeatedly assaulted. “These cases show what happens when systems meant to protect children fail them,” said Laura Nally, director of the Amica Center for Immigrant Rights Children’s Program. “There’s a growing concern that these welfare checks are being used to carry out mass detentions of sponsors and unnecessarily return children to government custody.”

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Protests of a Costly and Historic Parade

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — President Trump is planning an elaborate and costly celebration for the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army that coincides with his birthday.

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By April Ryan

It will rain on President Trump‘s parade on Saturday if most weather forecasts correctly predict the chance of storms. President Trump is planning an elaborate and costly celebration for the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army that coincides with his birthday. When asked if he plans to attend the massive D.C. celebration, New York Democratic Congressman Greg Meeks exclaimed,” Heck no!” He elaborated, saying, “It is clear to me that what Donald J. Trump is trying to do is to emulate Vladimir Putin.” Trump and Putin, the Russian president, are friends. Meeks feels “that’s where he initially got the idea from when he saw the tanks going down the street and how people bow down to Vladimir Putin, how…that authoritarian runs his country where no one questions what he does.”

Meanwhile, around the nation 1600 protests are scheduled to coincide with what is happening in Washington, D.C. Democratic Congressman Al Greene confirms he will attend several “No King Day” protest rallies and marches in his home state of Texas. The congressman questions the president’s comments about using “force” for anyone trying to stop the parade. Reverand William Barber plans to be in Philadelphia on Saturday. “We are having a rally bringing people together,” the civil rights leader confirmed. The leader of Repairers of the Breach added, “Those rallies are gonna be massive and multiracial of every race, color, creed, religion, geographic area, so this is not a moment. We must have a constant movement.”

Weeks ago, DC Mayor Muriel Bowser warned the parade, and all its military might, and pageantry would cost “many millions of dollars” just to repair District streets after the heavy artillery tanks rolled down the historic roads in the nation’s capital. Tall gates and other barricades around the White House are part of the parade’s security measures. The Secret Service has warned of a high-security presence in the area for the parade. You can expect to see military tanks, dozens of other military vehicles, and thousands of service members marching along a route stretching nearly four miles from the Pentagon to the White House.

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Critics Question 2024 Results as Musk Tactics Surface

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — Now, a Wisconsin nonprofit has filed a legal complaint accusing Musk, his America PAC, and a Musk-affiliated group called United States of America Inc. of violating state election laws by bribing voters.

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By Stacy M. Brown
Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

Donald Trump’s return to the White House in 2024 has reignited questions about election integrity, particularly after his remarks thanking Elon Musk for what he called a “landslide” win in Pennsylvania. “He knows those computers better than anybody… all those vote-counting computers,” Trump said. “So, thank you to Elon.” The comment set off alarm, including Texas Rep. Jasmine Crockett. “So, Trump is rambling on about he and Elon rigging the election?! Am I missing something or is he confessing to yet another damn crime?!” she posted on social media.

Now, a Wisconsin nonprofit has filed a legal complaint accusing Musk, his America PAC, and a Musk-affiliated group called United States of America Inc. of violating state election laws by bribing voters. The Wisconsin Democracy Campaign and two voters allege Musk handed out $1 million checks and that his PAC paid $100 to registered voters who signed petitions and gave their contact information. Wisconsin law prohibits offering anything of value over $1 to encourage someone to vote. The complaint also cites violations of the state’s lottery ban. The plaintiffs are asking a court to declare the actions illegal, prevent future violations, and award damages if applicable.

The lawsuit follows a failed attempt by Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul to block Musk’s actions earlier this year. Kaul argued that Musk’s conduct amounted to illegal inducement, but courts declined to intervene before the April state Supreme Court election. Jeff Mandell, president and general counsel for Law Forward, which represents the plaintiffs, said this new case is being filed under more typical legal timelines. “We’re trying to create … accountability in a more regular timeline, in a way that gives the courts the opportunity to look at this more carefully,” Mandell said.

Musk, who served briefly as a Trump adviser and led a short-lived federal agency focused on cost-cutting, has denied wrongdoing. He initially promoted the giveaways as rewards for early voters but later revised eligibility criteria following legal scrutiny. The controversy has added fuel to growing concerns over anomalies in places like Rockland County, New York, where Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly received virtually no votes despite Democratic victories in other races. “We know exactly what happened and how it unfolded, and we’re asking the court to say this is not acceptable,” Mandel has said.

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