Berkeley
Peet’s Workers in Oakland, Berkeley Exposed to Virus Seek Better COVID Policies
In the wake of confirmed in-store positive COVID-19 cases at Oakland and Berkeley locations, low wage Peet’s Coffee workers and ex-workers say they want the company to organize better safety measures.
Since workers currently employed at Peet’s said they feared retaliation for speaking out, and ex-workers said they thought naming themselves could make securing new employment more difficult, all workers and ex-workers in this article appear under pseudonyms. They are all in their early 20s and make or made around $16 an hour.
“I couldn’t bear it anymore,” said Stephanie, who recently decided to quit working as a barista at Peet’s after a year and a half. “I would go to work crying, come home crying. I had nightmares and panic attacks at the thought of being a conduit for the virus and getting people sick because of the exposure I had to endure.”
Both Stephanie’s onsite manager and the systems Peet’s is using in Oakland and Berkeley stores made her feel “genuinely unsafe.” She found herself dealing with customers who would take their masks off to taste drinks or use facial recognition on their cellphones. Regular customers would dismiss her requests for them to keep their masks on in her presence, which she attributed to her manager, Sarah Louis, creating an environment that was “lax about mask regulations.”
“[Louis] invited people to do tastings and drink their drinks inside,” said Stephanie. When she would complain about feeling unsafe and asked for support in enforcing mask-wearing, she said the manager told her she should seek employment elsewhere. Louis has not responded to an e-mail requesting her comment on this story.
Since mid-November, Peet’s employees working at a store on Broadway in downtown Oakland as well as a store on Domingo Avenue in Berkeley have tested positive for COVID-19, resulting in both stores temporarily closing. After the positive cases, Peet’s has continued its regular policy of shuffling employees from their regular work site to one of over a dozen different stores in Berkeley and Oakland when staffing shortages occur.
The shuffling policy concerns Stephanie and other Peet’s workers, like Timothy, who has worked at Peet’s for over three years. Timothy’s regular work site is different than Stephanie’s and he has a different manager. He feels his manager does their best to keep his work site safe and appreciates that they are strict about enforcing mask-wearing. But the shuffling policy makes him feel unsafe.
“It’s hard to do a risk assessment when you’re going to another store,” said Timothy. “That can be kind of scary.”
Citing “the privacy of Peet’s employees” a spokesperson for Peet’s media team declined to comment on how the shuffling policy works or reveal how many employees have tested positive for COVID-19 in Berkeley and Oakland stores.
Timothy said that COVID-19 safety precautions “really vary from store to store,” and that the company is not transparent about which stores have had positive cases or the virus-related benefits the company offers.
Informed by Peet’s management that he had been exposed to the virus when he took a shift at the Domingo Avenue store, Timothy took some time off to get tested by using some of the 36 hours of COVID time Peet’s offers. But Peet’s had never told him taking the paid time off was an option. He found out about the benefit himself by searching through Peet’s web site. He was not required to quarantine and went back to work after a negative test and being cleared by a doctor.
Michelle, a Peet’s employee who works at the same site Stephanie did, said that even after she informed her manager that she had been in close contact with people who had tested positive for COVID and likely had been exposed, she was still encouraged to return to work because she was asymptomatic and had not tested positive herself.
“There was no forethought about the risk,” said Michelle.
Peet’s workers say the company only informs them of possible risky COVID-19 work-related interactions if they have come into direct contact with a co-worker who has tested positive. They do not inform workers about outbreaks at stores or other possible risky coronavirus- related interactions. Lacking info from the company, workers try to keep each other informed about their COVID-related interactions and status.
“[Management] doesn’t let us know about anything so we think we should be more transparent with each other,” said Michelle. “We all know that there’s outbreaks because we hear about it through the grapevine.”
In at least one instance, employees think management attempted to stifle such communication. Jessica, another Peet’s worker, was concerned she might have COVID so she got tested. Her test came back negative and she communicated that information on a digital chatting platform called Slack that employees had been using to communicate with each other, mostly about scheduling.
She said Louis had repeatedly told her not to communicate about COVID-related issues to other staff due to confidentiality issues, but Jessica thought only posting information about her own status would not create a conflict.
“Within a few hours the entire Slack page for our group was deleted,” said Jessica. When Jessica asked why it had been deleted, Louis told her it was due to Jessica posting a meme after the presidential election that made fun of Donald Trump, as political posts weren’t allowed.
“At this point I knew she was just trying to cover her” butt, said Jessica. “The timing didn’t add up.” The Slack chat was deleted a month after the election.
Although Peet’s media team did not answer specific questions about their shuffling practices, mask usage, paid sick leave, or the Slack chat shutdown, they did respond with an e-mailed statement that addressed some of these issues broadly.
“Peet’s uses the most current guidance and updates from the Center for Disease Control and Departments of Public Health to inform our process and procedures for handling COVID-19 related issues in the workplace,” reads the statement. “This includes protocols such as specialized cleanings of our coffee bars, health and wellness checks for our employees, mask, hand-washing and distancing protocols, employee notifications upon an incident of a positive COVID case, and quarantine periods for employees’ consistent with CDC guidelines. We have company paid sick-leave programs and also follow local and/or state paid leave requirements for COVID specific situations.”
But many Peet’s workers do not feel safe. Michelle has cut her hours back to one day a week and is planning on leaving the job as soon as she has secured a new job she finds safer.
“I like making coffee,” she said. “I just don’t want to die or kill anyone.”
Activism
South African Solidarity Committee Hosts 31st Annual Celebration
“We’re all together for each other celebrating 31 years of building international solidarity between the people of the United States and South Africa toward the implementation of the 1955 Freedom Charter and 2030 Sustainable Development Goals,” said COSAS Operations Manager Nicole Richards.Located in Berkeley, COSAS is dedicated to the continuing struggle by the people of South Africa’s need for independence.
By Carla Thomas
The Committee of South African Solidarity (COSAS) celebrated its 31st anniversary on Saturday, Oct. 26 at the East Bay Church of Religious Science in Oakland.
Themed “Ubuntu,” a word in Zulu and Xhosa, which means “I am because we are,” the event brought together supporters and community members.
“We’re all together for each other celebrating 31 years of building international solidarity between the people of the United States and South Africa toward the implementation of the 1955 Freedom Charter and 2030 Sustainable Development Goals,” said COSAS Operations Manager Nicole Richards.
Located in Berkeley, COSAS is dedicated to the continuing struggle by the people of South Africa’s need for independence.
A soulful meal was prepared by Chef Rene Johnson and Blackberry Soul Catering along with live entertainment and speakers.
COSAS is an all-volunteer, private membership organization, made up of South Africans, Africans, students, professionals, clergy and others committed to building solidarity between the working people of the U.S. and the South African people still struggling for economic and political freedom.
Formed in 1993, the organization promotes the “real nature” of the changes and struggles taking place in South Africa and the African continent, according to Richards.
“COSAS counters ‘disinformation’ and ‘misinformation’ in the U.S. and Western mainstream media that creates division and distrust,” Richards said. “We produce the South African Beacon and organize and transport solidarity shipments of school supplies to South African grade schools requesting assistance,” Richards said.
According to organizers, COSAS is completely run by volunteers, free from the corporate and government agendas that continue to keep South Africa dependent on the West.
“We rely on the support of concerned individuals. Call us today about how you can get involved by sorting and packing supplies, donating office equipment, and supporting special events,” said Richards.
Earlier in the year, COSAS hosted its World Affairs film showing at Downs Memorial United Methodist Church. The screening featured a short film, “Feeding a Crisis: Africa’s Manufactured Hunger Pandemic,” exploring the hunger challenges African countries face and approaches to resolving the issues.
Contact the Committee for South African Solidarity, 1837 Alcatraz Ave., Berkeley, CA, 510-251-0998 for volunteer opportunities and event information.
Activism
‘Jim Crow Was and Remains Real in Alameda County (and) It Is What We Are Challenging and Trying to Fix Every Day,’ Says D.A. Pamela Price
“The legacy of Jim Crow is not just a legacy in Alameda County. It’s real. It is what is happening and how (the system is) operating, and that is what we are challenging and trying to fix every day,” said D.A. Price, speaking to the Oakland Post by telephone for over an hour last Saturday. “Racial disparities in this county have never been effectively eliminated, and we are applying and training our lawyers on the (state’s) Racial Justice Act, and we’re implementing it in Alameda County every day,” she said.
By Ken Epstein
Part One
Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gave an exclusive in-depth interview, speaking with the Oakland Post about the continuing legacy of Jim Crow injustice that she is working to overturn and her major achievements, including:
- restoring and expanding services for victims of crime,
- finding funding for an alternative to incarceration and/or prosecution for substance use and mental health-related misdemeanors and
- aggressively prosecuting corporations for toxic pollution and consumer violations.
“The legacy of Jim Crow is not just a legacy in Alameda County. It’s real. It is what is happening and how (the system is) operating, and that is what we are challenging and trying to fix every day,” said D.A. Price, speaking to the Oakland Post by telephone for over an hour last Saturday.
“Racial disparities in this county have never been effectively eliminated, and we are applying and training our lawyers on the (state’s) Racial Justice Act, and we’re implementing it in Alameda County every day,” she said.
Passed by the State Legislature, this law “is an extremely helpful tool for us to address the racial disparities that continue to exist in our system,” she said.
(The law addresses) “the racial disparities that we find in our juvenile justice system, where 86% of all felony juvenile arrests in the county are Black or Brown children.
“We trained the entire workforce on the Racial Justice Act. We are creating a data system that will allow us to look at the trends and to clearly identify where racism has infected the process. We know that where law enforcement is still engaging in racial profiling and unfair targeting and arresting, we’re trying to make sure we’re catching that.”
Many people do not know much about the magnitude of Alameda County District Attorney’s job. Her office is a sprawling organization with 10 offices serving 1.6 million people living in 14 cities and six unincorporated areas, with a budget this year of about $104 million.
Asked about her major achievements since she took office last year, she is especially proud of the expanded and renewed victims’ services division in the DA’s Office, she said.
“We have expanded and reorganized the entire claims division so that we are now expediting as much as possible the benefits that victims are entitled to. Under my predecessor, they were having to wait anywhere, sometimes as long as a year, to 400 days to get benefits.
“Claims had been denied that should not have been denied. So, we’re helping people file appeals on claims that were denied under her tenure,” D.A. Price said.
“Under my predecessor, (the victims’ service office) was staffed by people who were not trained to provide trauma-informed services to victims, and yet they were the only people that the victims were in contact with. We immediately stopped that practice,” she continued.
“We had to expand the advocate workforce to include people who speak Hmong, the indigenous language of so many people in this county who are victims of crime.”
More African Americans advocates were hired because they represent the largest percentage of crime victims and we hired a transgender advocate and advocates who speak Cantonese and Mandarin. “The predominantly Chinese American community in Oakland was not being served by advocates who speak the language,” said D Price
“We reduced the lag time from the delivery of benefits to victims from 300 to 400 days down to less than 60 days.”
She increased victim advocacy by 38%, providing critical support to over 22,500 victims, a key component of community safety.
Other major achievements:
- She recently filed 12 felony charges against a man accused of multiple armed robberies, demonstrating her seriousness about prosecuting violent crimes
- In October, a jury delivered a guilty verdict in the double murder trial of former Alameda County Sheriff’s Deputy Devin Williams, showing DA Price’s commitment to holding law enforcement accountable.
- She recently charged a man and woman in unincorporated San Leandro with murder, felony unlawful firearm activity, and felony carrying a loaded firearm in public.
- A. Price’s office was awarded a $6 million grant by the state for its CARES Navigation Center diversion program. In partnership with the UnCuffed Project at a Seventh Day Adventist Church in Oakland, the program provides resources and referrals for services to residents as an alternative to incarceration and/or prosecution for substance use and mental health-related misdemeanors.
“This is the largest grant investment in the history of the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office,” said D.A. Price.
She explained that the program now has a mobile unit. “We have washers and dryers. We have a living room. We have a television. It’s a place where people can decompress, get themselves stabilized,” she said.
The project has “the ability to refer people to housing, to more long-term mental health services, to social services, and to assist them in other ways.”
- Her office joined in a $49 million statewide settlement with Kaiser Health Plan and Hospitals, resolving allegations that the healthcare provider unlawfully disposed of hazardous waste, medical waste, and protected health information. The settlement, which involved the state and a half dozen counties, resulted in Alameda County receiving $7 million for its residents.
- DA Price charged a former trucking company employee for embezzling over $4.3 million, showing her commitment to tackling white-collar crime.
- For the first time, Alameda County won a criminal grand jury indictment of a major corporation with two corporate officers that have been sources of pollution. “They had a record of settlements and pollution in this community, and they had a fire that constituted a grave danger,” she said.
Attorney Walter Riley contributed to this article.
Activism
“Two things can be true at once.” An Afro-Latina Voter Weighs in on Identity and Politics
“As a Puerto Rican I do not feel spoken to in discussions about Latino voters… which is ironic because we are one of the few Latino communities who are also simultaneously American,” Ortiz-Cedeño says. Puerto Ricans born in Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory, have American citizenship by birth but they do not have the right to vote for president if they live on the island. “I think that we miss out on a really interesting opportunity to have a nuanced conversation by ignoring this huge Latino population that is indigenously American.”
By Magaly Muñoz
On a sunny afternoon at Los Cilantros Restaurant in Berkeley, California, Keyanna Ortiz-Cedeño, a 27-year-old Afro-Latina with tight curly hair and deep brown skin, stares down at her carne asada tacos, “I’ve definitely eaten more tortillas than plantains over the course of my life,” says Cedeño, who spent her childhood in South Texas, among predominantly Mexican-American Latinos. As she eats, she reflects on the views that American politicians have of Latino voters.
“As a Puerto Rican I do not feel spoken to in discussions about Latino voters… which is ironic because we are one of the few Latino communities who are also simultaneously American,” Ortiz-Cedeño says. Puerto Ricans born in Puerto Rico, a U.S. territory, have American citizenship by birth but they do not have the right to vote for president if they live on the island. “I think that we miss out on a really interesting opportunity to have a nuanced conversation by ignoring this huge Latino population that is indigenously American.”
Ortiz-Cedeño, an urban planner who is focused on disaster resilience, homelessness and economic prosperity for people of color, says that political conversations around Latinos tend to shift towards immigration, “I think this ties back into the ways that our perception of ‘Latino’ tends to be Mexican and Central American because so much of our conversation about Latinos is deeply rooted in what’s happening on the border,” she says. “I don’t think that the Afro-Latino vote is frequently considered when we’re talking about the Latino vote in the United States.”
As Ortiz-Cedeño sifts through childhood photos of her as a happy teen dancing with the Mexican ballet folklorico group in high school and as a dama in quinceñeras, she reflects on growing up in South Texas, an area with a large population of white and Mexican-Americans. The Black population was small, and within it, the Afro-Latino population was practically nonexistent.
“It was interesting to try to have conversations with other Latinos in the community because I think that there was a combination of both willful ignorance and a sort of ill intent and effort to try and deny my experience as a Latino,” she says. “There are a lot of folks in Latin America who experience a lot of cognitive dissonance when they think about the existence of Black Latinos in Latin America.
Ortiz-Cedeño comments on the long history of anti-Blackness in Latin America. “Throughout Latin America, we have a really insidious history with erasing Blackness and I think that that has been carried into the Latino American culture and experience,” she says. “People will tell you, race doesn’t exist in Latin America, like we’re all Dominicans, we’re all Puerto Ricans, we’re all Cubans, we’re all Mexicans. If you were to go to the spaces with where people are from and look at who is experiencing the most acute violence, the most acute poverty, the most acute political oppression and marginalization, those people are usually darker. And that’s not by accident, it’s by design.”
Because of the lack of diversity in her Gulf Coast town, as a teenager, despite being the only Spanish-speaker at her job in Walmart, Latinos refused to ask for her help in Spanish.
“Even if monolingual [Spanish-speaking] people would have to speak with me, then they were trying to speak English, even though they could not speak English, versus engaging with me as a Latina,” she says.
“I think that the perception of Latinos in the United States is of a light brown person with long, wavy or straight hair. The perfect amount of curves and the perfect combination of Indigenous and white genes. And very rarely will people also consider that maybe they also have a sprinkle of Blackness in them as well,” she says. “Over 90% of the slave trade went to the Caribbean and Latin America.”
Ortiz-Cedeño remembers when a Cuban family moved in next door to her in Texas. The teen daughter had blue-eyes, blonde hair and only spoke Spanish, which caused neighboring Latinos to take pause because she didn’t fit the Latino “look” they were used to.
“People didn’t have an option to try and negate her [Latino] identity because they had to acknowledge her for everything that she was,” Ortiz-Cedeño says.
Later on, the girl’s cousins, a Black, Spanish-speaking Cuban family, came into town and again locals were forced to reckon with the fact that not all Latinos fit a certain criteria.
“I think it forced everybody to have to confront a reality that they knew in the back of their mind but didn’t want to acknowledge at the forefront,” Ortiz-Cedeño says.
Having gone through these experiences as an Afro-Latina, Ortiz-Cedeño says it’s easy for her to understand Kamala Harris’ mixed Indian and Jamaican heritage, “It comes really naturally to accept that she is both Indian and Black. Two things can exist at the same time,” she says. “I had a long term partner for about seven years who was South Indian, from the same state as Kamala Harris, so if we had had a kid, they would look like [Harris],” Ortiz-Cedeño jokingly shares.
She says she can relate to having to walk the road of people only wanting to see Harris as a Black American. The talking point about [Harris] not being Indian or not being Black, just deciding to be Black, is really disingenuous and cheap,” she says.
Ortiz-Cedeño believes that the Harris campaign has not capitalized on the vice president’s mixed identity, which could be vital in bringing together different communities to understand each other on a new level and allow for improvements on America’s racial dynamics.
As she rushes into a Berkeley Urban Planning Commission meeting straight out of Ashby BART station, Ortiz-Cedeño explains her love for talking about all things infrastructure, homelessness, and healthcare access. The topics can be dry for many, she admits, but in the end, she gets to address long-standing systemic issues that often hinder opportunities for growth for people of color.
Having lived through the effects of Hurricane Katrina as a child, with the flooding and mass migration of Louisiana residents into Texas, Ortiz-Cedeño was radicalized into issues of displacement, emergency mitigation, and housing at nine years old.
“I remember my principal had to carry her students on her shoulders and swim us home because so many parents were trying to drive in and get their kids from school [due to] the flooding that was pushing their cars away,” she recalls.
Her family relocated to Houston soon after Katrina, only to be met with a deadly Hurricane Rita. They wound up in a mega-shelter, where Ortiz-Cedeño says she heard survivors stories of the unstable conditions in New Orleans and beyond, which got her wondering about urban planning, a term she wasn’t familiar with at the time.
“I think that when you put people in the context of the things that were happening in this country around [these hurricanes], a lot of us started to really think seriously about who gets to make decisions about the urban environment,” she adds.
Watching the heavy displacement of disaster survivors, hearing stories of her Navy veteran father’s chronic homelessness, and her own mother’s work and activism with homeless communities in the non–profit sector put her on the path to progressive politics and solutions, she says. After attending college on the East Coast- where she says she was finally recognized as a Puerto Rican- and working in housing, economic development, and public policy, she returned to California to earn a Master’s in City Regional Planning from UC Berkeley.
Her vast interest in the urban success of underserved communities even took her abroad to Israel and Palestine when she was an undergraduate college student. “I’ve seen the border with Gaza, I’ve had homestays with farmers in the West Bank,” she says. “For me personally, Palestine is an issue that is really close to the heart.”
“I have a very intimate understanding of the conflict and I’m very disturbed by the way in which the [Democratic] party has not been willing to engage in what I would perceive to be a thoughtful enough conversation about the conflict,” Ortiz-Cedeño says. “The issue of Palestine is going to be one of those that is a make or break issue for her. It has not been one that has been taken seriously enough by the party.”
Ortiz-Cedeño is not under the illusion that one candidate will address every policy issue she wants to see tackled by the president. But she believes it’s better than what former President Donald Trump has to offer.
“Trump has made it very clear what his intentions are with Palestine, and what his relationship is with [Benjamin] Netanyahu,” Ortiz-Cedeño says. “I understand the political strategy that many people are trying to engage in by withholding their vote, but I would also encourage them to re-engage in the political process.”
Casting her vote for Harris is a decision grounded in calculation rather than outright support. “I think I can vote in this election in order to have harm reduction… because I have deep care and concern for other communities that are going to be impacted by a Trump presidency,” Ortiz-Cedeño says.
She also hopes that American politicians will consider the nuance and perspective that Afro-Latinos bring to the table when it comes to politics, policy, and race in America, “When we don’t think expansively about who is Latino in the United States, the breadth of Latino experiences in the United States, we miss an opportunity to capture how diverse Latinos interests are politically.”
This story was reported in collaboration with PBS VOCES: Latino Vote 2024.
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