World
Secret Police Detentions of Activists on the Rise in Egypt
SARAH EL DEEB, Associated Press
CAIRO (AP) — The knock on the door came just before midnight, a group of plainclothes police demanding that 29-year-old Fatma el-Sayed, an activist with one of Egypt’s secular opposition groups, come with them. Her father pleaded to accompany her, but they took her away, alone.
For the next four days, el-Sayed was kept in a cell in the security agency headquarters in her home town of Alexandria — off official records, essentially disappeared into Egypt’s labyrinth of detention facilities. She was interrogated without a lawyer and denied the injections she needed after recent surgery.
“They tried to extract information from me,” she said — about fellow activists in the opposition group April 6, about the group’s call for a protest against the high cost of living, about any coordination with the Muslim Brotherhood.
“I gave them nothing,” she said.
Egyptian security agencies are increasingly detaining activists and students in secret, snatching them from homes or the street and holding them without official record of their arrest, as their families scramble to find them, activists and lawyers say.
Activists have tracked more than 160 such suspected disappearances in police custody during the past two months — a sign of the renewed unchecked power of security agencies. It is a return to past practices under autocratic leader Hosni Mubarak, when detainees were held, sometimes for years, without trial under notorious emergency laws in effect for decades and lifted after his 2011 ouster.
El-Sayed was lucky. After four days, police filed a record of her arrest and released her on bail. She has been charged with membership in April 6, a leading force in the anti-Mubarak uprising that is now banned. Other missing activists have reappeared days or even weeks later when police finally filed arrest reports.
But the whereabouts of most remains unknown. Activists and lawyers fear they are abused during interrogation.
At least one of the missing turned up dead. Islam Ateto was taken by security agents in May as he left a classroom at a Cairo university, according to student unions. Soon after, police announced that Ateto was killed in a gunbattle with security forces in the desert, alleging he was wanted for the assassination of a police officer.
Government officials, including Prime Minister Ibrahim Mahlab, have repeatedly denied there are any extra-legal detainees in Egypt, saying those in custody are held either on a prosecutor’s order or were arrested during the act of a crime.
With the recent spike in reports of missing detainees, government officials have largely ignored calls for an explanation.
Repeated requests by The Associated Press to the spokesman for the Interior Ministry received no response. A senior security official dismissed allegations of disappearances and questioned how it could be proven that security agents took anyone away.
However, another official said secret interrogations and detention were sometimes necessary when state security or intelligence agencies are pursuing terror cells that threaten national security. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not permitted to speak to the media.
The government has repeatedly touted its “war on terrorism” — a reference to its battle against Islamic militants carrying out stepped-up attacks and to a crackdown on Islamists following the military’s July 2013 ouster of Islamist President Mohammed Morsi. With the clampdown, many activists have gone into hiding, complicating efforts to determine who has been detained.
When grilled by the father of a missing woman on a private television station last week, Interior Ministry spokesman Abu Bakr Abdel-Karim insisted that if she had been arrested, “legal procedures must have been followed.”
The woman, Esraa el-Taweel, a 23-year old freelance photojournalist, was reported by her family to have been snatched on June 1 from a street in downtown Cairo, along with two male friends. Later, inmates got word to relatives that they had seen the two friends in a prison.
El-Taweel finally surfaced Wednesday, when a visitor spotted her at a women’s prison near Cairo. On Thursday, she was brought for questioning before State Security prosecutors, who usually deal with terrorism cases, the first official acknowledgement of her detention.
Lawyers say Islamists were frequently the targets of secret detentions over the past two years, and now the practice is increasingly being used against more secular activists.
One activist group, Freedom for the Brave, has documented more than 160 cases since April. Of those, 66 have resurfaced.
The Egyptian Coordination of Rights and Freedoms, a group of lawyers tracking missing suspected Brotherhood members, has recorded more than 210 cases as of May; one person has been missing since 2013.
The London-based Human Rights Monitor recorded 31 cases of disappearance in May alone, in addition to 13 others from the two previous months. The group reported the cases to the U.N Working Group on Enforced Disappearance, which usually follows up on such reports.
The National Human Rights Council, whose members are appointed by the state, has submitted 71 reported cases of missing people to the Interior Ministry and prosecutors’ office, said council member Nasser Amin. “In Egypt, there are plenty of cases of illegal detention,” a crime punishable by up to seven years in prison, he said.
The council is working to determine if any missing cases reach the level of “enforced disappearance,” a crime against humanity under international law that involves a long period of disappearance, proof of an active government role and an exhaustive investigation to find the missing person.
Amin said the United Nations has designated 13 cases of people missing since the turmoil in 2011 as likely enforced disappearances and has sought an explanation from the Egyptian government.
During Mubarak’s 29-year rule, security agencies could hold detainees for up to a month in undisclosed locations under emergency laws. Some were held for years without charges or trials, with detentions constantly renewed. In the late 1990s and 2000, Egypt was a known location for the U.S. rendition program, in which foreign terror suspects were held in secret detention centers for interrogation.
After Mubarak’s fall, the emergency laws were revoked. In reaction to past abuses, Egypt’s 2014 constitution explicitly states police must have a judicial order for arrest, unless someone is caught in the act of a crime. Any detainee must be permitted immediate contact with a lawyer and family members, and be brought before judicial authorities within 24 hours.
“Before there was a legal framework for detention, now there isn’t,” said rights activist Mohammed Lotfy. But “some hard-core (police) … got used to a certain way of doing business.”
For families, the secret detentions mean a frantic search to figure out what happened to loved ones.
Hossam Gouda, a pharmacist, disappeared from the streets of Cairo more than a month ago, his sister, Hanan, told the AP.
Known for Brotherhood sympathies, Hossam Gouda had moved away from Cairo. Police officers came to the family home twice looking for him, once last year and again in March. On May 9, during a visit to the capital, he disappeared. A search of multiple police stations produced nothing. Through acquaintances in the police force, the family finally learned he was possibly being held at a police station in southern Cairo, she said.
Officers there denied holding him and told the family to stop looking. “They told us, if you keep up pressure … he will be transferred to another place,” Gouda said.
“We are looking for any lead,” she said, adding the family fears he is being tortured.
Mohamed elBaqer, a rights lawyer, said one of his clients, a cleric accused of inciting against the government in his writings, was taken from his home on May 26, along with his two brothers. The cleric, Sheik Anas Sultan, resurfaced four days later when he was taken to the prosecutor’s office, but only after he had been subjected to electrical shocks, elBaqer said.
Secret detention “increases the psychological pressure on the detainee to extract more information,” elBaqer said. “These are the tools for terrorizing people.”
Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Community
How Mobihealth Drives a Telemedicine Revolution in Africa
As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits. These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls. This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.
By Ifeanyi Abraham
CNN
As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits.
These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls.
This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.
Growing up with a mother who worked as a nurse, Adewara’s understanding of healthcare challenges deepened through her mother’s stories.
“I knew early on that healthcare wasn’t a privilege — it was a necessity, and I wanted to be part of changing the system,” she explains.
After training as a physician, Adewara worked for 15 years in the United Kingdom’s National Health Service before founding the telemedicine platform Mobihealth in 2017.
Since its launch, Mobihealth has impacted thousands of lives, connecting patients with doctors and healthcare professionals across Nigeria and beyond.
The platform has 20 integrated telehealth clinics that offer remote consultations, diagnostics, and access to specialist care via digital health tools. Located primarily in Nigeria, these clinics are accessible to patients through various subscription plans and are often financed through partnerships with global donor organizations and private donors.
In addition to the clinics, Mobihealth has partnerships with over 200 hospitals, labs, and pharmacies, Adewara says.
The company has earned global recognition, including a $1 million grant from the U.S. Trade and Development Agency in 2022. Adewara was also one of the World Bank’s seven 2020 Sustainable Development Goals & Her award winners, selected from over 2,400 entries worldwide.
Connecting Rural Patients
Across sub-Saharan Africa, millions struggle to access basic healthcare. According to the World Health Organization, the region bears 25% of the global disease burden but has only 3% of the world’s healthcare workers.
“In rural Africa, a trip to the nearest hospital can mean the difference between life and death,” says Adewara.
Mobihealth’s latest initiative offers healthcare for $1 a month for rural and underserved populations. It allows Africans in the diaspora — and global supporters — to sponsor essential services like doctor consultations, diagnostic tests, and access to telemedicine clinics.
The scheme is not solely based on donations; individuals can also subscribe to the service for themselves.
“Healthcare systems across Africa are under immense pressure,” Adewara explains. “Our initiative is a direct response, using technology to connect rural patients with doctors thousands of miles away.”
For Adewara, Mobihealth’s telemedicine platform is not a temporary fix; it represents the future of healthcare in Africa.
“This is about creating a resilient, sustainable and inclusive system, where people, no matter where they are, can access the care they need,” she says.
“Telemedicine brings doctors to people, wherever they may be. By integrating AI and remote monitoring, we are improving the speed and accuracy of care, saving lives in the process,” she adds.
A number of African companies provide telemedicine services, but researchers have pointed out that there are obstacles that could hinder the growth of telemedicine in the continent.
Rural areas can have an unreliable electricity supply and poor internet connectivity, and there is often a lack of government policies and funding around virtual healthcare.
“A Healthcare System for the Future”
Adewara envisions scaling her company’s model to reach millions more across Africa, particularly in countries like Ghana, Kenya, and Ivory Coast.
“Our work is just beginning,” she says. “We are building a healthcare system for the future — one that is resilient, inclusive and capable of meeting Africa’s growing population’s needs.”
However, partnerships are crucial to achieving this vision. “We can’t do this alone. Our collaborations with the African diaspora, hospitals, governments, and international organizations allow us to reach more people and ensure that healthcare is affordable, efficient and accessible,” Adewara adds.
Activism
Atty General Rob Bonta Joins Coalition Backing Pres. Biden’s Migrant Parole Program
“The Biden Administration’s CHNV Parole Program provides a safe pathway to apply for protection for Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan migrants fleeing violence and upheaval. We urge the court to uphold this program that creates orderly processes for people fleeing humanitarian crises to lawfully reach the United States,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta. The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.
By Bo Tefu, California Black Media
Attorney General Rob Bonta joined a multistate coalition of 18 attorneys general to write an amicus brief supporting President Joe Bidens’s Parole Program for migrants fleeing violence.
The multistate coalition will submit the brief to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals regarding the case Texas v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. The brief endorses Biden’s Parole Program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans (CHNV Parole Program). The migrant parole program allows individuals from the four countries to apply for advance travel authorization. Migrants can be considered for temporary humanitarian parole of up to two years including employment authorization.
The coalition highlighted California’s interest in maintaining the federal government’s discretionary power granting migrants entry or allowing immigrants to stay on humanitarian grounds.
“In California, we believe that migrants escaping violence should be treated with compassion and dignity, and immigration parole programs are a crucial part of a just and secure immigration system,” said Bonta.
“The Biden Administration’s CHNV Parole Program provides a safe pathway to apply for protection for Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan migrants fleeing violence and upheaval. We urge the court to uphold this program that creates orderly processes for people fleeing humanitarian crises to lawfully reach the United States,” he said.
The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.
The coalition argued that the lawsuit in Texas threatened to undermine the federal government’s authority to establish crucial programs that help migrants escape unstable circumstances in their home countries.
The coalition stated that parole provides safe, legal, and orderly pathways for people to seek protection in the United States.
However, opponents claim that parole pathways help increase crime and impose costs on states.
Activism
‘Ngingubani:’ Who Am I? How DNA and Oral History Helps Black Youth Connect to Tribal Roots
‘I didn’t know who I was.’ This was not an uncommon belief for teenage boys plucked from the streets of Johannesburg, South Africa. Often disconnected from their families and living on the streets, they had little evidence of strong family ties. Maybe their story sounds familiar to you. Maybe you find yourself asking similar questions: Who am I? Where do I actually belong?
By Chelsea Trautman
‘I didn’t know who I was.’
This was not an uncommon belief for teenage boys plucked from the streets of Johannesburg, South Africa. Often disconnected from their families and living on the streets, they had little evidence of strong family ties. Maybe their story sounds familiar to you. Maybe you find yourself asking similar questions: Who am I? Where do I actually belong?
These questions were the initial inspiration for the Johannesburg Applied Ancestry Program launched in 2006 by researcher and program coordinator Clive Haydon, and Dr. Brian Hill, a university professor at Brigham Young University.
The program’s name: “Ngingubani,” or “Who am I?” in the African Zulu language, has a goal to help teenage boys between the ages of 12-16 better understand their identities by learning and sharing their own family stories.
Connect
One story included a young boy who was separated from his biological mother when he was only 5 years old. Having no written history or knowledge of his family, his story was like many at the Twilight Children’s Center in Johannesburg where the program took place.
Through outreach to extended family, program social workers were able to find this young boy’s mother and facilitate their reuniting nearly 14 years after their separation.
After being connected with unknown relatives, participants sat down for an interview to learn the stories of those who had gone before them: the boys developed a stronger sense of self after hearing their rich oral history from people who shared their blood, culture, and heritage.
Robyn Fivush, PhD and professor of Psychology at Emory University stated: “These kinds of family stories create meaning beyond the individual. To include a sense of self through historical time and in relation to family members” (Jorgenson & Bochner, 2004: Norris, Kuiack, & Pratt, 2004).
Belong
The interviews and DNA samplings gave insight about these young boy’s native ancestral tribes. While not all participants were reunited with parents, they were all still able to connect with a living relative.
Through a culminating cultural celebration, participants at the Twilight Children’s Center dressed in traditional tribal clothing, and shared dances, artwork, and personal stories from the knowledge they gained during the program. This emotional tearful event made the boys feel valued by their parents and motivated their belief in who they could become.
Become
Thanks to DNA testing and family history stories, many can now discover their heritage and find a similar connection and belonging with deceased and distant family members.
A great way to begin is by telling family stories. Tell them as they are, setting aside opinions and personal bias to allow one’s family to interpret the meaning themselves.
For information on how to start, visit: familysearch.org, or through visiting a cemetery or by celebrating an ancestor’s birthday.
The ripple effect of family storytelling has the capacity to answer “Ngingubani.”
Chelsea Trautman is a research assistant at Brigham Young University.
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