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Thailand Junta Replaces Martial Law with Absolute Power

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Thailand's Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, center, arrives at Government House in Bangkok, Thailand, Thursday, April 2, 2015. Thailand's junta lifted martial law, which was imposed in the run-up to their May 22, 2014, coup -- but then quickly replaced it with another set of draconian laws innocuously called "Article 44." But make no mistake -- 10 months after staging the coup, a military junta is still ruling Thailand, essentially with absolute power. (AP Photo/Sakchai Lalit)

Thailand’s Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, center, arrives at Government House in Bangkok, Thailand, Thursday, April 2, 2015. Thailand’s junta lifted martial law, which was imposed in the run-up to their May 22, 2014, coup — but then quickly replaced it with another set of draconian laws innocuously called “Article 44.” (AP Photo/Sakchai Lalit)

JOCELYN GECKER, Associated Press

BANGKOK (AP) — The big topic of conversation in Thailand is martial law. Technically it’s gone, but in reality it’s still there.

On Wednesday, Thailand’s junta lifted martial law, which was imposed in the run-up to their May 22, 2014, coup — but then quickly replaced it with another set of draconian laws innocuously called “Article 44.” But make no mistake — 10 months after staging the coup, a military junta is still ruling Thailand, essentially with absolute power.

The move is the junta’s latest cosmetic change aimed at putting a softer face on a military-ruled country, according to scholars, jurists and rights groups who called the development a PR stunt and a sleight of hand aimed at helping restore Thailand’s image abroad while keeping the junta firmly in control at home. Others wondered half-jokingly if the government of former army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha pranked the country with an April Fool’s joke.

“Martial law may be lifted, but Thailand remains deeply sunk in unchecked military rule,” Verapat Pariyawong, an independent political analyst and Harvard-educated lawyer said in a statement, noting that the announcement came Wednesday in “ironic fashion on April Fool’s Day.”

Prayuth’s government had faced growing pressure from overseas and particularly Thailand’s own business community to revoke martial law. Although it wasn’t generally visible in everyday life — there were few soldiers in the streets — it was devastating for Thailand’s image and its economy. It scared off foreign investors and hurt tourism, which accounts for nearly 10 percent of the GDP. Tour operators complained that it was a deterrent to tourists — partly because many insurance companies won’t cover travelers to countries under martial law.

Thailand’s king on Wednesday formally approved a request from the junta that martial law be lifted. Within minutes of the announcement being aired on national television, another announcement was broadcast informing the country that in place of martial law, the junta was invoking Article 44, a special security measure in the military-imposed interim constitution. It gives Prayuth the power to override any branch of government in the name of national security, and absolves him of any legal responsibility for his actions.

Thai media have referred to it as “the dictator law.” Under similar legislation in the 1960s, a Thai dictator carried out summary executions.

“From the outside, the lifting of martial law is good news for business and tourism,” said Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist and director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University.

“But from the inside, we’re functionally in the same boat,” he said about Article 44. “Similar restrictions are still in place. And where there are pockets of dissent and political expression it is likely to be more draconian.”

There are many similarities between martial law and Article 44, and some significant differences. Both provide sweeping powers to the military and allow the military to make arrests and conduct searches without warrants. Both also provide for trials of suspects in military courts and censorship in the name of preserving order.

Article 44, however, centralizes power under the head of the junta, who is Prayuth, unlike martial law which more broadly puts the military in charge of public security.

Article 44, like martial law, allows authorities to ban public gatherings but it goes a step further by specifying harsh penalties. It says people who join unauthorized political gatherings of more than five can face up to 6 months in prison.

Wednesday evening, the junta televised an order detailing 14 provisions under Article 44, but it can issue more later.

The New York-based group Human Rights Watch said the decision to invoke Article 44 marked “Thailand’s deepening descent into dictatorship.”

“Thailand’s friends abroad should not be fooled by this obvious sleight of hand by the junta leader to replace martial law with a constitutional provision that effectively provides unlimited and unaccountable powers,” said Brad Adams, the group’s Asia director.

Thailand’s military has a history of intervening in politics, having seized power 12 times since the end of absolute monarchy in 1932.

In many ways, the move marks another cosmetic evolution for Prayuth, who led the coup as the country’s powerful army chief but then shed his uniform and suited up to assume the role of prime minister.

Prayuth imposed martial law on May 20, 2014, and two days later led the coup that toppled the elected civilian government after months of sometimes-violent street protests.

Since the coup, the junta has moved to consolidate power. In July, the military adopted the interim 48-article constitution and formed a junta-appointed legislature. In August, the legislature appointed Prayuth as prime minister — a post he said he will retain until elections, though no date has been set. Polls were initially promised for this year, then pushed to sometime in 2016.

Stability has been restored but at a steep price. Thailand’s democratic institutions were dismantled, and the country’s authoritarian rulers have crushed dissent.

Critics say the coup leaders’ real goal is to eliminate the political influence of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was overthrown in a 2006 coup. His sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, was ousted by a court ruling just days before last year’s coup and later barred from holding office for five years.

The coup was part of a societal schism that in broad terms pits the majority rural poor, who back the Shinawatras, against an urban-based elite that is supported by the army and staunch royalists, who see the Shinawatras as a threat to the traditional structures of power.

Prayuth sought to downplay concerns about Article 44, saying nobody had made much fuss about it until now.

“Article 44 will be exercised constructively,” Prayuth said. “Don’t worry, if you’re not doing anything wrong, there’s no need to be afraid.”

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Associated Press writers Thanyarat Doksone, Grant Peck and Todd Pitman contributed to this report.

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Activism

South African Solidarity Committee Hosts 31st Annual Celebration

“We’re all together for each other celebrating 31 years of building international solidarity between the people of the United States and South Africa toward the implementation of the 1955 Freedom Charter and 2030 Sustainable Development Goals,” said COSAS Operations Manager Nicole Richards.Located in Berkeley, COSAS is dedicated to the continuing struggle by the people of South Africa’s need for independence.

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Zimbabwean dance and music group performs at COSAS' 31 Year Celebration at the East Bay Church of Religious Science. Photo By Carla Thomas.
Zimbabwean dance and music group performs at COSAS' 31 Year Celebration at the East Bay Church of Religious Science. Photo By Carla Thomas.

By Carla Thomas

The Committee of South African Solidarity (COSAS) celebrated its 31st anniversary on Saturday, Oct. 26 at the East Bay Church of Religious Science in Oakland.

Themed “Ubuntu,” a word in Zulu and Xhosa, which means “I am because we are,” the event brought together supporters and community members.

“We’re all together for each other celebrating 31 years of building international solidarity between the people of the United States and South Africa toward the implementation of the 1955 Freedom Charter and 2030 Sustainable Development Goals,” said COSAS Operations Manager Nicole Richards.

Located in Berkeley, COSAS is dedicated to the continuing struggle by the people of South Africa’s need for independence.

A soulful meal was prepared by Chef Rene Johnson and Blackberry Soul Catering along with live entertainment and speakers.

COSAS is an all-volunteer, private membership organization, made up of South Africans, Africans, students, professionals, clergy and others committed to building solidarity between the working people of the U.S. and the South African people still struggling for economic and political freedom.

Formed in 1993, the organization promotes the “real nature” of the changes and struggles taking place in South Africa and the African continent, according to Richards.

“COSAS counters ‘disinformation’ and ‘misinformation’ in the U.S. and Western mainstream media that creates division and distrust,” Richards said. “We produce the South African Beacon and organize and transport solidarity shipments of school supplies to South African grade schools requesting assistance,” Richards said.

According to organizers, COSAS is completely run by volunteers, free from the corporate and government agendas that continue to keep South Africa dependent on the West.

“We rely on the support of concerned individuals. Call us today about how you can get involved by sorting and packing supplies, donating office equipment, and supporting special events,” said Richards.

Earlier in the year, COSAS hosted its World Affairs film showing at Downs Memorial United Methodist Church. The screening featured a short film, “Feeding a Crisis: Africa’s Manufactured Hunger Pandemic,” exploring the hunger challenges African countries face and approaches to resolving the issues.

Contact the Committee for South African Solidarity, 1837 Alcatraz Ave., Berkeley, CA, 510-251-0998 for volunteer opportunities and event information.

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Community

How Mobihealth Drives a Telemedicine Revolution in Africa

As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits. These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls. This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.

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Dr. Funmi Adewara, founder and CEO of telehealth company Mobihealth. Mobihealth International photo.
Dr Funmi Adewara, founder and CEO of telehealth company Mobihealth. Mobihealth International photo.

By Ifeanyi Abraham

CNN

As a child growing up in northern Nigeria, Dr. Funmi Adewara experienced a severe hand injury that required multiple surgeries and frequent hospital visits.

These visits exposed her to the harsh realities of the country’s healthcare system. “I remember sitting in overcrowded waiting rooms, watching doctors stretched thin, unable to meet the needs of so many patients,” Adewara recalls.

This formative experience ignited her passion for transforming healthcare in Africa.

Growing up with a mother who worked as a nurse, Adewara’s understanding of healthcare challenges deepened through her mother’s stories.

“I knew early on that healthcare wasn’t a privilege — it was a necessity, and I wanted to be part of changing the system,” she explains.

After training as a physician, Adewara worked for 15 years in the United Kingdom’s National Health Service before founding the telemedicine platform Mobihealth in 2017.

Since its launch, Mobihealth has impacted thousands of lives, connecting patients with doctors and healthcare professionals across Nigeria and beyond.

The platform has 20 integrated telehealth clinics that offer remote consultations, diagnostics, and access to specialist care via digital health tools. Located primarily in Nigeria, these clinics are accessible to patients through various subscription plans and are often financed through partnerships with global donor organizations and private donors.

In addition to the clinics, Mobihealth has partnerships with over 200 hospitals, labs, and pharmacies, Adewara says.

The company has earned global recognition, including a $1 million grant from the U.S. Trade and Development Agency in 2022. Adewara was also one of the World Bank’s seven 2020 Sustainable Development Goals & Her award winners, selected from over 2,400 entries worldwide.

Connecting Rural Patients

Across sub-Saharan Africa, millions struggle to access basic healthcare. According to the World Health Organization, the region bears 25% of the global disease burden but has only 3% of the world’s healthcare workers.

“In rural Africa, a trip to the nearest hospital can mean the difference between life and death,” says Adewara.

Mobihealth’s latest initiative offers healthcare for $1 a month for rural and underserved populations. It allows Africans in the diaspora — and global supporters — to sponsor essential services like doctor consultations, diagnostic tests, and access to telemedicine clinics.

The scheme is not solely based on donations; individuals can also subscribe to the service for themselves.

“Healthcare systems across Africa are under immense pressure,” Adewara explains. “Our initiative is a direct response, using technology to connect rural patients with doctors thousands of miles away.”

For Adewara, Mobihealth’s telemedicine platform is not a temporary fix; it represents the future of healthcare in Africa.

“This is about creating a resilient, sustainable and inclusive system, where people, no matter where they are, can access the care they need,” she says.

“Telemedicine brings doctors to people, wherever they may be. By integrating AI and remote monitoring, we are improving the speed and accuracy of care, saving lives in the process,” she adds.

A number of African companies provide telemedicine services, but researchers have pointed out that there are obstacles that could hinder the growth of telemedicine in the continent.

Rural areas can have an unreliable electricity supply and poor internet connectivity, and there is often a lack of government policies and funding around virtual healthcare.

“A Healthcare System for the Future”

Adewara envisions scaling her company’s model to reach millions more across Africa, particularly in countries like Ghana, Kenya, and Ivory Coast.

“Our work is just beginning,” she says. “We are building a healthcare system for the future — one that is resilient, inclusive and capable of meeting Africa’s growing population’s needs.”

However, partnerships are crucial to achieving this vision. “We can’t do this alone. Our collaborations with the African diaspora, hospitals, governments, and international organizations allow us to reach more people and ensure that healthcare is affordable, efficient and accessible,” Adewara adds.

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Activism

Atty General Rob Bonta Joins Coalition Backing Pres. Biden’s Migrant Parole Program

“The Biden Administration’s CHNV Parole Program provides a safe pathway to apply for protection for Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan migrants fleeing violence and upheaval. We urge the court to uphold this program that creates orderly processes for people fleeing humanitarian crises to lawfully reach the United States,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta. The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.

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iStock
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By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

Attorney General Rob Bonta joined a multistate coalition of 18 attorneys general to write an amicus brief supporting President Joe Bidens’s Parole Program for migrants fleeing violence.

The multistate coalition will submit the brief to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals regarding the case Texas v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. The brief endorses Biden’s Parole Program for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans (CHNV Parole Program). The migrant parole program allows individuals from the four countries to apply for advance travel authorization. Migrants can be considered for temporary humanitarian parole of up to two years including employment authorization.

The coalition highlighted California’s interest in maintaining the federal government’s discretionary power granting migrants entry or allowing immigrants to stay on humanitarian grounds.

“In California, we believe that migrants escaping violence should be treated with compassion and dignity, and immigration parole programs are a crucial part of a just and secure immigration system,” said Bonta.

“The Biden Administration’s CHNV Parole Program provides a safe pathway to apply for protection for Cuban, Haitian, Nicaraguan, or Venezuelan migrants fleeing violence and upheaval. We urge the court to uphold this program that creates orderly processes for people fleeing humanitarian crises to lawfully reach the United States,” he said.

The federal government has exercised its authority under the Immigration and Nationality Act to parole migrants into the country for humanitarian purposes since the Eisenhower Administration.

The coalition argued that the lawsuit in Texas threatened to undermine the federal government’s authority to establish crucial programs that help migrants escape unstable circumstances in their home countries.

The coalition stated that parole provides safe, legal, and orderly pathways for people to seek protection in the United States.

However, opponents claim that parole pathways help increase crime and impose costs on states.

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