Three Years After #DefundThePolice, Schools Are Bringing Cops Back to Campus
SAN DIEGO VOICE & VIEWPOINT — As of January 2023, there were about 60 SROs remaining in D.C. schools, down from its peak of more than 100, according to the Washington Post. However, the progress made toward reducing law enforcement presence in D.C. schools appears to be in jeopardy. In what seems like a backtrack from the progressive momentum generated during “America’s racial reckoning,” four D.C. council members now support a proposal to retain officers in schools, citing an uptick in violence and crime in school vicinities.
The post Three Years After #DefundThePolice, Schools Are Bringing Cops Back to Campus first appeared on BlackPressUSA.
In the wake of George Floyd’s murder, calls to defund the police rang across the nation during the summer of 2020. While few cities took swift action, many school districts — integral community hubs where young minds are nurtured, and where kids spend the bulk of their time — began to reevaluate the presence of armed personnel patrolling the hallways.
In September 2019, eight months before Floyd’s murder, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported nearly 25,000 school resource officers were assigned to primarily K-12 schools.
Those numbers slowly started to change in districts around the country as a response to calls to defund the police.
In Washington, D.C., for example, the D.C. Council unanimously voted in 2021 to reduce the number of SROs in both public and charter schools beginning July 2022, with the plan to end the Metropolitan Police Department’s School Safety Division in 2025.
In September 2019, eight months before Floyd’s murder, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported nearly 25,000 school resource officers were assigned to primarily K-12 schools.
As of January 2023, there were about 60 SROs remaining in D.C. schools, down from its peak of more than 100, according to the Washington Post. However, the progress made toward reducing law enforcement presence in D.C. schools appears to be in jeopardy. In what seems like a backtrack from the progressive momentum generated during “America’s racial reckoning,” four D.C. council members now support a proposal to retain officers in schools, citing an uptick in violence and crime in school vicinities.
On the other side of the country, the Denver Public School District Board of Education unanimously voted to bring SROs back to schools through June 2023. Similar to D.C., the decision followed closely on the heels of a shooting at Denver’s East High School. And 18 SROs were brought back to 17 schools in the district.
Schools around the country are running into roadblocks trying to remove SROs.
The Roadblocks
The roadblocks don’t look the same in every situation.
In D.C., for example, ACLU DC policy associate Ahoefa Ananouko cites Mayor Muriel Bowser as the biggest barrier. Bowser has been vocal about keeping SROs in schools, going as far as to say that removing SROs is “the nuttiest thing.”
And, like in D.C. and Denver, politicians, policymakers, and some educators nationwide cite violence in the area as a reason for keeping SROs, but there is little evidence to support that SROs actually do make schools safer. In fact, in a 2020 report, the Justice Policy Institute said, “rates of youth violence were plummeting independent of law enforcement interventions, and the impact of SROs on school shootings has been dubious at best.”
Plus, it’s been proven that SROs exacerbate the school-to-prison pipeline, especially for Black students.
The Center for Public Integrity analyzed U.S. Department of Education data from all 50 states, D.C., and Puerto Rico in 2021. The investigation found that school policing disproportionately affects students with disabilities and Black students. Nationwide, these two groups were referred to law enforcement at “nearly twice their share of the overall student population.”
What we often have seen is that the teachers or classified staff who feel that it’s not within their ability to handle certain situations automatically defer to the SROs.
ADONAI MACK, SENIOR DIRECTOR OF EDUCATION AT CHILDREN NOW
But it doesn’t stop many adults on the school campus from differing discipline to SROs, says Adonai Mack, the senior director of education at Children Now. This happens when there is either a fear around addressing disciplinary problems or concerns, or feeling they aren’t able to handle it.
“What we often have seen is that the teachers or classified staff who feel that it’s not within their ability to handle certain situations automatically defer to the SROs,” Mack says.
This is where the call for additional non-police safety officials comes in, like nurses, counselors, or psychologists, who “certainly do more help than harm,” Mack says.
But, like teachers and other educators, there’s a shortage of these professionals. But Ananouko says this shouldn’t be a barrier if policymakers decided it was more important to have mental health professionals or restorative justice interventionalists — people who are trained to handle trauma, behavior, and underlying issues.
“I believe they could and should shift those resources to incentivize those professionals being hired instead of investing more in police,” Ananouko says, “which have been shown to be harmful to students in a school environment, generally.”
A Detriment to Mental Wellness
Though it’s too early to have concrete data on students’ mental health without SROs, there are, anecdotally, reasons to believe it’s a positive change.
Aside from students leading police-free school groups, there are other historic factors that lend insight. For one, whenever there are fears around deportation, not only Black students, but Latino and AAPI students experience negative mental health impacts, Mack says.
The feelings, like with the Defund the Police movement, are split across racial lines. Black, Latino, and AAPI students don’t always feel safe with police around.
“With kids of color, what you often have is this alienation,” Mack says. “There are decreased feelings of safety. Now, I would say that’s different for white kids and white families. They often will feel that having police on campus makes the campus safer.”
Black and Brown students are more likely to attend a school patrolled by an SRO.
And, Black and Brown students are more likely to attend a school patrolled by an SRO. A 2023 Urban Institute study found that schools where the student population is at least 80% Black and Brown, students are more likely to have an SRO compared to schools with a high population of white students, regardless of income levels. And, 34%-37% of schools with high populations of Black and Brown students have an SRO, compared to 5%-11% of predominantly white schools.
But it’s clear that there’s “a detriment to kids of color” with police on campus, Mack says.
“From that perspective, with any decrease, what we see is that it automatically improves the mental wellness of students from those communities,” Mack says.
‘A Critical Point’
While the roadblocks might be tougher or the headlines have fizzled out, Ananouko says the police-free schools movement “isn’t slowing down at all.”
And now, D.C. is at a critical point. It’s budget oversight season, meaning it’s the time when funding for SROs could be restored. But, every year since the initial 2021 vote, students, school administrators, teachers, and advocates have continued to push for the phase-out, Ananouko says.
“Our messaging has not changed,” Ananouko says. “We’ve stayed consistent in saying that police don’t keep students safe. And none of that has changed in these past three years.”
The bottom line is that all kids deserve to feel safe and nurtured, Ananouko says.
“They should be able to feel like they can go to school with that fear,” she says, whether this fear comes from other students or armed officers in the building who can use their gun “at any point at the discretion of the law is on their side.”
“A lot of the issues that students are dealing with are not going to be addressed by somebody with a gun.”
COMMENTARY: Women of Color Shape Our Past and Future
MINNESOTA SPOKESMAN RECORDER — Every March, Women’s History Month invites us to pause and honor the women whose courage, intellect, and leadership have shaped our world. This year, that invitation feels especially urgent. We are living in a time when history is being rewritten, when DEI is being recast as a threat, and when the stories we choose to uplift matter more than ever. The stories of women of color must be centered, celebrated, and carried forward with intention.
Women of Color Leadership Shapes the Legacy of Women’s History Month
By Dr. Sharon M. Holder | Minnesota Spokesman Recorder
Women’s History Month offers an opportunity to recognize the enduring impact of women of color leadership across history and in the present day. From Harriet Tubman and Shirley Chisholm to today’s leaders in science, politics and culture, women of color continue to shape movements, institutions and communities through courage, collaboration and vision.
Every March, Women’s History Month invites us to pause and honor the women whose courage, intellect, and leadership have shaped our world. This year, that invitation feels especially urgent. We are living in a time when history is being rewritten, when DEI is being recast as a threat, and when the stories we choose to uplift matter more than ever. The stories of women of color must be centered, celebrated, and carried forward with intention.
For centuries, women of color have been architects of progress, even when history tried to confine them to the margins. They have led movements, built institutions, transformed culture, and expanded the boundaries of justice, leadership, and community. Their contributions are not postscripts; they are landmarks. Yet too often, their brilliance has been acknowledged only in hindsight. Women’s History Month offers a chance to correct that imbalance, not only by remembering the past, but by recognizing their leadership unfolding before us.
This legacy lives in Harriet Tubman, whose courage and strategic brilliance transformed the Underground Railroad into one of the boldest freedom operations in American history. In Barbara Jordan, whose moral clarity reshaped the nation’s understanding of justice and constitutional responsibility. In Madam C. J. Walker, expanding both the beauty industry and the economic horizons of Black women. It dances in Josephine Baker, who challenged racism and resisted fascism. In Ida B. Wells and Dolores Huerta, who wielded truth and determination in pursuit of justice. In Chien-Shiung Wu, whose experiments altered science, and Shirley Chisholm, whose political courage expanded the very definition of leadership. These women did more than break barriers; they built new worlds.
A powerful throughline in the leadership of women of color is how they lead: collaboratively, creatively, relationally, and with deep responsibility to community. Their leadership is grounded not in hierarchy but in connection, in the belief that progress is something we build together.
We see this in Kamala Harris, whose presence expands the boundaries of possibility; in Ketanji Brown Jackson; in Oprah Winfrey; and in Toni Morrison, who insisted that the interior lives of Black women are essential to the human story. It resonates in Simone Biles and Serena Williams, redefining strength through excellence and self-belief.
Today, women of color continue to drive breakthroughs in medicine, technology, the arts, politics, and environmental justice. Their leadership appears not only in boardrooms or public office, but in mentorship, advocacy, and the daily navigation of systems never designed for them. The spirit shines in Mae Jemison and Ellen Ochoa; in Michelle Obama; and in the brilliance of Katherine Johnson, Dorothy Vaughan, Mary Jackson, and Christine Darden, whose work helped launch a nation into space.
Celebration is important, but it is not enough. Honoring women of color requires intentional action rooted in equity. It means creating environments where their voices are valued, challenging the biases that shape who is recognized, and ensuring progress is shared.
As we celebrate Women’s History Month, let us honor women of color not as symbols, but as leaders whose work continues to guide us. When we uplift women of color, we honor history and shape the future.
Dr. Sharon M. Holder lives in South Carolina. She holds a PhD/MPhil in Gerontology from the Center for Research on Aging at the University of Southampton, UK; a Master of Science in Gerontology from the Institute of Gerontology at King’s College London, UK; and a Master of Social Work from the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston, Texas.
Dr. Holder discovered her love of poetry at the University of Houston–Downtown, where she published in The Bayou Review and the Anthology of Poetry. Today, she writes poetry as a practice of gratitude alongside her academic research.
Woman’s Search for Family’s Roots Leads to Ancestor John T. Ward – A Successful Entrepreneur and Conductor on the Underground Railroad
THE AFRO — For years, she wanted to know more about her ancestor John T. Ward, she said, and her curiosity eventually became an obsession, leading her to become the genealogist for her family. And so, for more than a decade, she set out to trace her family’s roots and discovered a story that would change her life and the way she viewed American history.
Shanna Ward, the owner of a publishing company and insurance agency located in Columbus, Ohio, said the elders in her family often say she inherited her entrepreneurial spirit from one of their ancestors – a formerly enslaved child from Virginia whose freedom came through manumission in 1827.
For years, she wanted to know more about her ancestor John T. Ward, she said, and her curiosity eventually became an obsession, leading her to become the genealogist for her family. And so, for more than a decade, she set out to trace her family’s roots and discovered a story that would change her life and the way she viewed American history.
John T. Ward would help others secure their freedom and justice in his roles as a conductor on the Underground Railroad, an abolitionist, and political activist. But realizing that economic freedom was essential to his and his family’s survival, he and his son founded the Ward Transfer Line in 1881 (now E.E. Ward Moving) – one of America’s oldest Black-owned businesses. While it has transferred ownership, the business remains in operation today.
Shanna Ward recently published a book about her ancestor, “The Bequest of John T. Ward,” which she hopes can be added to other unheralded tales of Black resistance that occurred during America’s antebellum period.
“Originally, I just wanted to write a 100-page story when I first began digging and was encouraged after I found a copy of a will dated 1827 which included him and was a rare example of a mass manumission,” Shanna Ward said. “Three of the slaves, including John’s grandfather, were given about 294 acres of land in the will, but all the former slaves were supposed to remain on the plantation until their 21st birthday. Some refused to remain. That’s how our family got to Ohio.”
Ward said she learned that newly freed Blacks, including her ancestors in Ohio, had to fend for themselves and often did so with amazing results given the obstacles they faced.
“In those days there were no civil rights organizations, and in local communities, Blacks formed and supported Black-owned businesses, took their own census recordings, and became involved in local politics – all without White involvement,” she said.
BOOK COVER: The cover of the book “The Bequest of John T. Ward,” written by Shanna Ward about her ancestor who, as a child, was granted his freedom in 1827 and went on to become a successful business owner in Ohio, a political activist, and a conductor on the historic Underground Railroad.
“There is part of Ohio where, during the days of slavery, if you successfully crossed the river you were free,” she said. “That was where Black life began – across the river in freedom. When we understand ourselves as more than property and uncover tales of survival which are the foundation of our legacy, then we can better understand who we are and what our ancestors endured. We are stronger than we are often led to believe.”
Efforts among African Americans to learn their family roots have increased over the past several decades, particularly given the success of the PBS documentary, “Finding Your Roots,” hosted and narrated by Harvard University professor Dr. Henry Louis Gates Jr.
On the show’s website, Gates said he developed the show in 2012 in efforts to continue his quest to “get into the DNA of American culture.”
In each episode, celebrities view ancestral histories and share their emotional experience with viewers. Gates attributes the success of the show to a significant surge in interest among Black Americans in tracing their family roots and a desire to reconnect with ancestral history that was severed by slavery.
JOHN T. WARD: John T. Ward, the historic patriarch in a family whose roots can be traced to the days of slavery in Virginia, is the subject of a new book written by a member of his proud family, Shanna Ward, called “The Bequest of John T. Ward.”
“Advancements in DNA testing have increased accessibility of records and led to a cultural push to reclaim identity beyond the ‘brick wall’ of 1870,” said Gates who noted that the 1870 U.S. Census represents the first time former slaves were listed by name and, unfortunately, serves as the point where records of their lives often stop and cannot be traced any earlier.
In a recent paper published in the journal “American Anthropologist,” University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign anthropology professor LaKisha David posits that by using genetic genealogy, African Americans now have the real possibility of restoring family narratives that were disrupted, severed and destroyed by institutional slavery.
“For African Americans who have grown up with a sense of ancestral loss and disconnection, this reclamation of family history is deeply humanizing and healing,” she writes. “It replaces the genealogical unknown with tangible knowledge of ancestral histories and kinship ties.
“Identifying African ancestors and living relatives is an act of restorative justice. It is ultimately about (re)claiming the humanity, dignity, and agency of enslaved Africans and their descendants, which is an essential component of repairing the harms of slavery.”
Ward said by uncovering her family’s truth, she has established a platform for education and empowerment for herself, her children, and today’s youth.
“I realized how important it is to pass down our own stories to the next generation,” Ward said. “There’s so much our children need to know about the Underground Railroad, the quilt codes created by Black women, and other examples of unrecorded heroics and bravery exhibited by Black men and women. Their collective efforts led to the end of Jim Crow laws and the securing of equal rights in the U.S. Constitution for African Americans. If you look hard enough, I believe everyone has someone like Harriet Tubman or Frederick Douglass in their family.”
Advocates Raise Alarm Over ICE Operation, MOU and Detention Risks in Baltimore County
THE AFRO — “This is highly problematic given many of the charges that land people in county correctional facilities to begin with are for misdemeanors of which they may not even ultimately be proven guilty and convicted,” said Cathryn Ann Paul Jackson, public policy director for We Are CASA. “It results in a subversion of the local criminal justice system as a means to further racial profiling and do ICE’s dirty work.”
As U.S. Immigration Customs and Enforcement (ICE) operations intensify nationwide, community organizations have become the eyes and ears of their neighborhoods—monitoring the agency’s presence and alerting residents to protect themselves and their neighbors.
In Baltimore County, nonprofits like We Are CASA have observed a spectrum of enforcement actions.
“We have seen a range of activity, including traffic stops and ICE showing up in neighborhoods or in seeming response to tips,” said Cathryn Ann Paul Jackson, public policy director for We Are CASA. “Beyond actual ICE activity in Baltimore County, we have seen many detentions of Baltimore County residents across the DMV, as community members tend to travel across counties and cities for work.”
We Are CASA, a national nonprofit headquartered in Maryland, is dedicated to empowering and improving the quality of life for working-class Black, Latino, Afro-descendent, Indigenous and immigrant communities. Jackson’s personal connection to this mission led her to the organization. A daughter of immigrants from Guyana and Trinidad, she said she grew up witnessing firsthand how immigration policy can define families’ safety, opportunity and sense of belonging.
She said the locations and times of ICE operations in Baltimore County have varied over time.
“We have consistently seen ICE arrest people at their check-in appointments, which were ironically created as an alternative to detention and are now being abused to trap people into custody,” said Jackson. “For a period of time, we were witnessing a significant amount of arrests along the Baltimore-Washington Parkway by U.S. Park Police, who were using a previously rarely enforced law against driving commercial vehicles on this road as a pretext to profile immigrant drivers, detain them and hand them over to ICE.”
Last fall, Baltimore County entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with ICE, removing the locality from the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) sanctuary jurisdictions list and formalizing a policy for notifying ICE before the release of inmates with federal immigration detainers or judge-signed warrants.
The agreement codified an existing practice within the Baltimore County Department of Corrections. The MOU is not a 287(g) agreement, which is a partnership between local law enforcement and ICE to delegate immigration enforcement authority to police officers. Those agreements were banned by the state of Maryland on Feb. 17.
However, Jackson criticized the policy memorialized in the MOU, saying that although it is carefully drafted to avoid legal violations, it effectively allows detention centers to hold people past their court-ordered release so that ICE can take them into custody.
“This is highly problematic given many of the charges that land people in county correctional facilities to begin with are for misdemeanors of which they may not even ultimately be proven guilty and convicted,” said Jackson. “It results in a subversion of the local criminal justice system as a means to further racial profiling and do ICE’s dirty work.”
Baltimore County has said it entered into the MOU in an effort to preserve its access to federal funding. The locality explained its reasoning on a FAQ page about its removal from the DOJ’s sanctuary jurisdictions list.
“Inclusion on DOJ’s list could risk significant federal funding, on which the county and constituents depend,” the entry read. “Signing the MOU ensures that the county avoids risks to federal funding that is used to provide needed services.”
Baltimore County’s removal is not unique, as neither Maryland nor any of its counties appear on the DOJ’s list. Still, community members worry that the county’s MOU with ICE could lead to wrongful detentions and the misidentification of residents.
Immigration detainers are not always confirmation of a person’s immigration status—or lack thereof. They are requests by ICE that can be issued without a judicial determination and do not, on their own, establish a person’s legal status.
“We’re very concerned about errors occurring here in the county because of the amped up nature of this mass deportation push,” said Patterson. “This is a replacement theory-driven immigration policy. That means that at the same time we are importing White South African Afrikaaners—who at one time essentially colonized South Africa and oppressed Black South Africans—we are fast deporting people of color. All of us who are the minority can be mistaken for ‘unlawful immigrants.’”
The recent escalation in Minneapolis has heightened Patterson’s concern. He said the city has effectively been made a battleground.
Patterson said the Baltimore County NAACP wants the public to recognize that ICE operates as a militarized organization, unlike local police. He urged people to consider avoiding areas where ICE is active whenever possible and to exercise caution if they encounter agents. If approached, Patterson stressed that people verify warrants are properly signed and directed at them, assert their right to remain silent and contact an attorney before answering questions or consenting to searches.
He also encouraged residents to notify the Baltimore County NAACP of any encounters with ICE.
“We don’t want to wait for Minnesota in Maryland before speaking out about this,” said Patterson. “We want to equip our people to protect themselves behaviorally, consciously and conscientiously because these things are coming to pass. The imprint is among us and we need, therefore, to be aware.”
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