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UC Berkeley Supporters Hold Rally For Missing 43 Students in Mexico

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Friends and family of 43 missing university students, “normalistas,” spoke at UC Berkeley last Friday, part of a tour throughout the United States to spread word about the mass kidnapping that has been rocking Mexico for months.

The “normalistas” were studying education at a small school in the state of Guerrero in southern Mexico. Coming from poor backgrounds, students and teachers at this school have a long history of protest and fighting for their rights.

On September 26, 2014, students from the Raúl Isidro Burgo rural teaching college in Ayotzinapa went to protest in Iguala, Guerrero, Mexico.

The students hoped to disrupt an event that was held by the local mayor’s wife, María de los Ángeles Pineda Villa.

Facts about that night remain contested. However, it is clear that local police opened fire on vehicles in the area, and that 43 students disappeared.

Confirmed deaths vary depending on the source.

Since then, Ayotzinapa has become more than just a place, it has become a cause. Mass protests have taken place in Mexico City and in towns and cities throughout the country.

Edwin Ackerman, master of ceremonies at the UC Berkeley event, criticized those who are opposed to those who are backing the 43 disappeared students.

“In the discourse of the [Mexican] state, those fighting back are violent, parasitical groups with irrational demands. It’s sort of an intense version of the anti-union, anti-teacher sentiment that exists in the US,” he said.

“In Mexico,” Ackerman continued, “these accusations often have a range of undertones, the image [the government] presents is this unruly, backward mob of indigenous people. It was this climate of stigmatization that allowed for Ayotzinapa to be attacked before in a less circulated case in 2011 – while blocking a major highway in demand of guaranteed tenure positions, and better living conditions in their school, federal police opened fire, killing two students.”

Another panelist was Steve Fisher, a student in the graduate program of journalism at UC Berkeley. He said government responses to the mass kidnapping contradict the thousands of official documents that he has reviewed.

“According to the government, the police along with cartel members, took the students from Iguala, and took them to a landfill in Cocula. There, according to officials, the students were burned. The student’s remains were then put in large bags, thrown into a river, and later supposedly found by the Mexican government,” Fisher said.

Fisher went on to explain that the Mexican military and the federal police adamantly deny that they knew about the attack until two hours after it ended.

 

But from evidence, it is clear that they knew about Ayotzinapa activities at least three hours prior to the event.

“The [official] story that the government has created has come entirely from depositions from people who had been tortured,” Fisher added.

Blanca Luz Nava Vélez, mother of missing student Jorge Alvarez Nava, said, “We don’t believe anything that the government has been saying. They’ve been trying to deceive us, time and time again, trying to make us believe our children are dead, that they were burned in Cocula, and they are lies.”

“What we’ve always said is that we’re poor, but we’re not idiots. And as long as there’s no proof, we are going to search for our children as if they were alive. I know in my heart that my child is alive,” Nava Vélez said passionately.

Panelist and Ayotzinapa student Josimar De la Cruz Ayala called for public support via donations, letters, protests and boycotts of arms dealers that ship weapons to Mexico.

De la Cruz Ayala said Ayotzinapa does not accept donations from political parties that would like to claim sponsorship. Ayotzinapa is a non-partisan organization.

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Activism

Lawsuit Accuses UC Schools of Giving Preference to Black and Hispanic Students

The lawsuit also alleges UC is violating the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which bars racial discrimination by federally funded institutions. In response, UC stated that race is not a factor in admissions, as per state law, and that student demographic data is collected only for statistical purposes.

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By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

A lawsuit filed in federal court accuses the University of California (UC) of racial discrimination in undergraduate admissions, alleging that Black and Latino students are favored over Asian American and white applicants. The lawsuit, filed by the group Students Against Racial Discrimination, claims UC’s admissions policies violate Proposition 209, a state law passed in 1996 that prohibits the consideration of race in public education.

The lawsuit also alleges UC is violating the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which bars racial discrimination by federally funded institutions.

In response, UC stated that race is not a factor in admissions, as per state law, and that student demographic data is collected only for statistical purposes.

Stett Holbrook, a spokesperson for the UC system, said the entity had not been served with the lawsuit.

“If served, we will vigorously defend our admission practices,” said Holbrook.

“We believe this to be a meritless suit that seeks to distract us from our mission to provide California students with a world-class education,” he said.

The complaint criticizes UC’s use of a “holistic” admissions process, arguing it replaces objective academic criteria with subjective considerations that disadvantage certain racial groups. It cites admission rate disparities at UC Berkeley, noting a decrease in Black student admissions from 13% in 2010 to 10% in 2023, compared to an overall drop from 21% to 12%.

The lawsuit follows the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2023 ruling banning affirmative action in college admissions, which has prompted challenges to race-conscious policies nationwide. The plaintiffs seek a court order preventing UC from collecting racial data in applications and request a federal monitor to oversee admissions decisions.

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New Data Show an Increase in Californians Enrolling as Undergraduates at UC Berkeley

UC and campus officials state that the increase in California undergraduates reinforces their dedication to expanding access to the state’s students and fulfilling the university’s compact with Gov. Newsom, and with the Legislature’s support, to grow in-state enrollment.

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UC Berkeley Campus. Photo by Keegan Houser/UC Berkeley News.
UC Berkeley Campus. Photo by Keegan Houser/UC Berkeley News.

The trend reflects an increase in Californian students enrolling across the UC system

By UC Berkeley News
Public Affairs Office

More Californians enrolled as new undergraduate students at UC Berkeley and other UC campuses in fall 2024 compared to the prior year, according to data released Tuesday by officials with the University of California systemwide office.

At the University of California, Berkeley, 7,657 new transfer and first-year students from California enrolled in fall 2024. Their percentage increased to 85% of all newly enrolled undergraduates, compared to about 80% in fall 2023.

UC and campus officials state that the increase in California undergraduates reinforces their dedication to expanding access to the state’s students and fulfilling the university’s compact with Gov. Newsom, and with the Legislature’s support, to grow in-state enrollment.

Last spring, UC Berkeley officials admitted fewer first-year and transfer students to compensate for prior admissions cycles in which more students enrolled than anticipated. However, they increased the proportion of California residents offered first-year admission, increasing that number from 75% for fall 2023 to almost 80% for fall  2024. This occurred by offering fall 2024 admission to fewer first-year, out-of-state students, and international students.

Additional enrollment data for Berkeley and the nine other UC campuses are available on the UC website.

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Activism

Expect The Worst? Political Scientists Have a Pessimism Bias, Study Finds

The research, co-authored by UC Berkeley political scientist Andrew T. Little, offers a possible solution: an approach that aggregates experts’ predictions, finds the middle ground, and then reduces the influence of pessimism, leading to the possibility of “remarkably accurate predictions.”

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Fears of unknown political outcomes. iStock image.
Fears of unknown political outcomes. iStock image.

Political experts surveyed recently were prone to pessimism — and were often wrong, says a study co-authored at UC Berkeley. Still, when their predictions were averaged out, they were ‘remarkably accurate’

By Edward Lempinen, UC Berkeley News

The past decade has seen historic challenges for U.S. democracy and an intense focus by scholars on events that seem to signal democratic decline. But new research released two weeks ago finds that a bias toward pessimism among U.S. political scientists often leads to inaccurate predictions about the future threats to democracy.

The research, co-authored by UC Berkeley political scientist Andrew T. Little, offers a possible solution: an approach that aggregates experts’ predictions, finds the middle ground, and then reduces the influence of pessimism, leading to the possibility of “remarkably accurate predictions.”

The study was released by Bright Line Watch, a consortium of political scientists who focus on issues related to the health of U.S. democracy. It offers provocative insight into political scientists’ predictions for the months ahead, including some that would be seen as alarming risks for democracy.

According to an analysis that Little distilled from a Bright Line Watch survey done after the November election, political scientists generally agreed that incoming Republican President Donald Trump is highly likely to pardon MAGA forces imprisoned for roles in the Jan. 6, 2021 uprising that sought to block the peaceful transfer of power from Trump to Democrat Joe Biden.

The research concluded that it’s less likely, but still probable, that Trump will pardon himself from a series of federal criminal convictions and investigations, and that his allies will open an investigation of Biden.

In understanding the future course of U.S. politics, Little said in an interview, it’s important to listen to the consensus of expert political scientists rather than to individual experts who, sometimes, become media figures based on their dire predictions.

“If we’re worried about being excessively pessimistic,” he explained, “and if we don’t want to conclude that every possible bad thing is going to happen, then we should make sure that we’re mainly worrying about things where there is wider consensus (among political scientists).”

Believe the Consensus, Doubt the Outliers

For example, the raw data from hundreds of survey responses studied by Little and Bright Line researchers showed that more than half of the political scientists also expected Trump to form a board that would explore the removal of generals; deport millions of immigrants; and initiate a mass firing of civil service government employees.

But once the researchers aggregated the scholars’ opinions, determined the average of their expectations and controlled for their pessimism bias, the consensus was that the likelihood of those developments falls well below 50%.

Bright Line Watch, founded in 2016, is based at the Chicago Center on Democracy and is collaboratively run by political scientists at the University of Chicago, Dartmouth College, the University of Michigan and the University of Rochester in New York.

The research collaboration between Little and the Bright Line Watch scholars sprang from a collegial disagreement that emerged last January in the pages of the journal Political Science and Politics.

Little and Anne Meng, a political scientist at the University of Virginia, authored a research paper in that issue positing that there is little empirical, data-based evidence of global democratic decline in the past decade.

At the request of the journal editors, scholars at Bright Line Watch submitted a study to counter the argument made by Meng and Little.

But in subsequent weeks, the two teams came together and, in the study released on Dec. 17, found agreement that raw opinion on the state of democracy skews toward pessimism among the political scientists who have participated in the surveys run by Bright Line Watch.

A Stark Measure of Pessimism (and Error)

Surveys conducted during election seasons in 2020, 2022 and 2024 asked political scientists to provide their forecasts on dozens of scenarios that would be, without doubt, harmful for democracy.

The raw data in the new study showed a high level of inaccuracy in the forecasts: While the political scientists, on average, found a 45% likelihood of the negative events happening, fewer than 25% actually came to pass.

Before last month’s election, Bright Line Watch asked the political scientists to assess dozens of possibilities that seemed to be ripped from the headlines. Would foreign hackers cripple voting systems? Would Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris, the Democratic candidate, declare victory before the winner was called by the news media? Would Trump incite political violence again?

Altogether, the political scientists predicted a 44% probability for the list of negative events — but only 10% actually happened.

In the interview, Little defended the focus on possible negative developments by political scientists and others. It’s “very important” to be aware of the potential for harmful developments, he said.

But the focus on worst-case scenarios can also be distracting and destabilizing. The question, then, is why political scientists might develop a bias for pessimism.

To some extent, Little said, it may be a matter of expertise. The data show that scholars who specialize in American politics tend to be the least pessimistic — and the most accurate — forecasters. Political scientists with expertise in international relations, political theory or other areas tend to be more pessimistic and less reliable.

Little offered several other possible explanations. For example, he said, when scholars focus on one narrow area, like threats to democracy, they might see the potential threats with a heightened urgency. Their worry might shape the way they see the wider political world.

“People who study authoritarian politics are probably drawn to that because they think it’s an important problem, and they think it’s a problem that we need to address,” he explained. “If you spend a lot of your time and effort focusing on bad scenarios that might happen, you might end up thinking they’re more likely than they really are.”

And occasionally, he said, scholars may find that raising alarms about imminent dangers to democracy leads to more media invitations.

The Battle for Scholars’ Public Credibility

For the interwoven fields of political science and journalism — and for the wider health of democracy — accuracy is essential. That’s the value of the analytical system described by the authors of the new study. If researchers can find the expert consensus on complex issues and tone down unwarranted alarm, understanding should improve, and democracy should operate more efficiently.

Still, Little cautioned, it would be a mistake to discount or discard the insights offered by expert political scientists.

“You don’t want to say, ‘I’m just going to ignore the experts,’” he advised. “This research shows that that would be a very bad idea. Once you do the adjustments, the experts are very informed, and you can learn a lot from what they say.

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