Crime
Police often use broad exemption to keep videos from public
DEFENDER NEWS NETWORK — The video is brief but disturbing: An officer is seen hitting an unarmed suspect with his pistol as the man falls into the grass. An autopsy would later show that he died from a gunshot to the back of the head.
By Defender News Service
The video is brief but disturbing: An officer is seen hitting an unarmed suspect with his pistol as the man falls into the grass. An autopsy would later show that he died from a gunshot to the back of the head.
After the death last July of 26-year-old Daniel Fuller in Devils Lake, North Dakota, investigators described the video to his grieving relatives. But for days, weeks and then months, they refused to release it to the family or the public. They did so only after a prosecutor announced in November that the officer did not intend to fire his gun and would not face criminal charges.
“It took forever for them to release the video because they kept saying it was an ongoing investigation,” said Fuller’s older sister, Allyson Bartlett. “I don’t think they wanted pressure from the community.”
Her experience is typical. An investigation by The Associated Press has found that police departments routinely withhold video taken by body-worn and dashboard-mounted cameras that show officer-involved shootings and other uses of force. They often do so by citing a broad exemption to state open-records laws — by claiming that releasing the video would undermine an ongoing investigation.
During the last five years, taxpayers have spent hundreds of millions of dollars to outfit officers’ uniforms and vehicles with cameras and to store the footage they record as evidence. Body cameras, in particular, have been touted as a way to increase police transparency by allowing for a neutral view of whether an officer’s actions were justified. In reality, the videos can be withheld for months, years or even indefinitely, the AP review found.
To be sure, some departments voluntarily release videos of high-profile incidents, sometimes within days or weeks. They also are forced to share them during civil rights lawsuits or air them when suspects face trial. Many also routinely release videos that show officers in a positive light, such as when they rescue people from accidents, fires and other dangers. But how requests are handled when they are requested by citizens, reporters and government watchdogs varies widely.
The AP tested the public’s ability to access police video for Sunshine Week, an annual celebration of open government, by filing open records requests related to roughly 20 recent use-of-force incidents in a dozen states.
They were met with a series of denials and failed to unearth video of a single incident that had not already been released publicly. Some videos could be released in coming months or years once criminal and disciplinary investigations are concluded. By then, the public interest in knowing what happened may have waned significantly.
In rejecting or delaying the requests, most law enforcement agencies and prosecutors cited exemptions that allow them to keep records of pending investigations secret. One county claimed the exemption would allow it to keep the video of a motorist’s fatal shooting secret forever — even though the investigation has concluded and cleared the deputy involved.
Critics say the exemption is often misapplied to keep from public view video that might shine an unfavorable light on the actions of officers. The exemption is intended to protect sensitive details about investigations that might tip off suspects that they are under scrutiny or alert them to what evidence police have obtained. But when officers shoot or otherwise use force on suspects, they know their actions are the focus of the investigation and often have access to the videos of the incidents.
“It is for that reason that the investigative records exemption literally makes no sense and should have no place when it comes to police body camera footage. It is a square peg in a round hole,” said Chad Marlow, an expert on laws governing body cameras at the American Civil Liberties Union. “We didn’t know that would end up being the get-out-of-FOIA free card for police departments, but it has certainly turned into that.”
Authorities say they have good reason for withholding video during investigations, such as preventing the memories of witnesses from being tainted or sparking protests with an out-of-context snippet of a deadly encounter. But the problem, said former federal prosecutor Val Van Brocklin, is that “there is no national standard of when and how this stuff gets released.”
“It’s such a mish-mash, and that creates a problem with expectations,” she said.
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In West Virginia, a prosecutor withheld a video that led to the firing of two state troopers for allegedly beating a 16-year-old suspect. In Georgia, a county sheriff’s office refused to release video of a 22-year-old man who allegedly shot himself to death while struggling with police, an explanation that has been questioned and sparked protests.
In Atlanta, where officers were recently criticized in an audit for failing to use their body cameras as intended, the department would not release video of an officer-involved shooting that happened last summer, saying the officer could potentially still face disciplinary action.
“I see it all over the nation that police departments use this catch-all of ‘ongoing investigation’ to basically throw up a stone wall in front of those that might like to find out the truth,” said attorney Jonny Hibbert, who is representing the family of an 18-year-old Atlanta man who was shot and killed by an off-duty officer after allegedly stealing his car. His request for any video of that incident was recently denied.
The department in Sugar Land, Texas, which recently released dramatic video of officers rescuing a woman from a lake, refused to divulge footage of a 2016 struggle in which a man alleges he was beaten and severely injured by officers. In Seagoville, Texas, the department would not release video showing an officer using a stun gun to subdue a teenager brandishing a toy gun, even though it had publicized the incident as a textbook example of officers showing restraint. The department denied access because AP didn’t know the name of the teen involved in the Oct. 4 incident. It said that piece of information must be provided to request police videos under Texas law.
In North Liberty, Iowa, a city lawyer responded to a request for video of a traffic stop by calling it a confidential investigative record — then demanded the AP not publish footage of the incident it had already obtained.
The city had fired a patrol supervisor for mishandling the stop, claiming he violated the rights of suspects in a road rage incident, failed to draw his weapon and made other procedural errors. The supervisor has filed a lawsuit contesting his firing, and his attorney provided the AP with footage that he says shows his client acted appropriately. The city released a redacted version of the video only after AP declined the city’s request.
In the aftermath of the 2014 shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and similar deaths of unarmed black men, police departments around the country faced public pressure to begin using body cameras. Rather than resist, said Marlow, the ACLU expert, they embraced cameras — but often only released videos that showed police in a positive light.
“The decisions about whether footage is being released or not is being dominated by the group that is supposed to be watched,” he said. “When that happens, police body cameras go from being a tool for transparency and accountability into a propaganda tool.”
It’s not that way everywhere.
California’s state capital, Sacramento, has been roiled by protests over police shootings of unarmed black men — most recently, after the district attorney and state attorney general declined to bring charges against two officers in the fatal shooting of Stephon Clark, who was found to be holding a cellphone after he was killed. Police video of that shooting helped fuel the protests.
The department is among the most transparent in releasing officer videos; city policy that predates the Clark shooting requires the police department to release footage within 30 days of a major incident or justify why it won’t. In some cases, the department has released footage within days.
“We hope to say that we’re leading the way in releasing it and being transparent,” said a department spokesman, Marcus Basquez. “That’s a big priority for us, to build that trust with our community, and we feel releasing body-worn camera footage is one way.”
A state law taking effect in July requires all state and local law enforcement agencies in California to make audio and video recordings of critical incidents publicly available after 45 days, unless it would hinder an investigation. If it withheld recordings longer than a year, a department would have to show “clear and convincing evidence” of that assertion.
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Police videos are considered public records in nearly every state, but vague laws and exemptions often give police chiefs and prosecutors wide discretion to determine when to release them.
A few states have limited the release of footage by exempting police videos from open records laws or requiring court orders to obtain their release. Others have carved out privacy exemptions for videos that show private homes, hospitals or juveniles.
The New York City Police Department, the nation’s largest, stopped releasing body camera videos entirely last year after a police union successfully argued in court that they were confidential personnel records. But the department vowed last month to continue releasing video of officer-involved shootings after an appeals court ruled that the union’s argument “would defeat the purpose of the body-worn-camera program.”
Adam Marshall, a lawyer for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, in 2015 called police body camera videos the “Wild West of open records requests” because of the uncertainty surrounding how they would be handled. Today, he says a growing number of court cases and state laws have made for more certainty — that many requests will be denied or delayed.
“It’s disappointing,” he said. “Unfortunately, it does not reflect the type of transparency and openness that the public hoped would result from body cameras.”
This article is originally appeared Defender News Network.
Alameda County
Oakland Council Expands Citywide Security Cameras Despite Major Opposition
In a 7-1 vote in favor of the contract, with only District 3 Councilmember Carroll Fife voting no, the Council agreed to maintain its existing network of 291 cameras and add 40 new “pan-tilt-zoom cameras.”
By Post Staff
The Oakland City Council this week approved a $2.25 million contract with Flock Safety for a mass surveillance network of hundreds of security cameras to track vehicles in the city.
In a 7-1 vote in favor of the contract, with only District 3 Councilmember Carroll Fife voting no, the Council agreed to maintain its existing network of 291 cameras and add 40 new “pan-tilt-zoom cameras.”
In recent weeks hundreds of local residents have spoken against the camera system, raising concerns that data will be shared with immigration authorities and other federal agencies at a time when mass surveillance is growing across the country with little regard for individual rights.
The Flock network, supported by the Oakland Police Department, has the backing of residents and councilmembers who see it as an important tool to protect public safety.
“This system makes the Department more efficient as it allows for information related to disruptive/violent criminal activities to be captured … and allows for precise and focused enforcement,” OPD wrote in its proposal to City Council.
According to OPD, police made 232 arrests using data from Flock cameras between July 2024 and November of this year.
Based on the data, police say they recovered 68 guns, and utilizing the countywide system, they have found 1,100 stolen vehicles.
However, Flock’s cameras cast a wide net. The company’s cameras in Oakland last month captured license plate numbers and other information from about 1.4 million vehicles.
Speaking at Tuesday’s Council meeting, Fife was critical of her colleagues for signing a contract with a company that has been in the national spotlight for sharing data with federal agencies.
Flock’s cameras – which are automated license plate readers – have been used in tracking people who have had abortions, monitoring protesters, and aiding in deportation roundups.
“I don’t know how we get up and have several press conferences talking about how we are supportive of a sanctuary city status but then use a vendor that has been shown to have a direct relationship with (the U.S.) Border Control,” she said. “It doesn’t make sense to me.”
Several councilmembers who voted in favor of the contract said they supported the deal as long as some safeguards were written into the Council’s resolution.
“We’re not aiming for perfection,” said District 1 Councilmember Zac Unger. “This is not Orwellian facial recognition technology — that’s prohibited in Oakland. The road forward here is to add as many amendments as we can.”
Amendments passed by the Council prohibit OPD from sharing camera data with any other agencies for the purpose of “criminalizing reproductive or gender affirming healthcare” or for federal immigration enforcement. California state law also prohibits the sharing of license plate reader data with the federal government, and because Oakland’s sanctuary city status, OPD is not allowed to cooperate with immigration authorities.
A former member of Oakland’s Privacy Advisory Commission has sued OPD, alleging that it has violated its own rules around data sharing.
So far, OPD has shared Flock data with 50 other law enforcement agencies.
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