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Governor in a Political Firestorm Over Indiana Law

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Indiana Gov. Mike Pence takes a question during a news conference, Tuesday, March 31, 2015, in Indianapolis. Republicans hoped to avoid a debate over social issues heading into the next presidential contest. Yet the backlash over a so-called religious freedom law in Indiana is highlighting the party’s overwhelming opposition to same-sex marriage and forcing the GOP’s leading presidential contenders to weigh in. "It’s been a tough week," Pence said at the news conference. (AP Photo/Darron Cummings)

Indiana Gov. Mike Pence takes a question during a news conference, Tuesday, March 31, 2015, in Indianapolis. Republicans hoped to avoid a debate over social issues heading into the next presidential contest. (AP Photo/Darron Cummings)

STEVE PEOPLES, Associated Press
TOM DAVIES, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — Just a week ago, Indiana Gov. Mike Pence was considered one of the few Republican presidential prospects who could unite the GOP’s business wing with religious conservatives.

Today, his standing with both groups is threatened as the national backlash intensifies over his state’s law on religious freedom.

Pence spent much of Wednesday behind closed doors to pursue “a fix” to legislation he signed six days earlier. Business leaders have been among the most aggressive critics of the law, which was cheered by the GOP’s evangelical wing as a needed protection for business owners should they refuse services to same-sex couples on religious grounds.

Pence, lesser known than some Republican White House prospects, has become the central figure in the contentious debate, offering him both opportunities and risks just as the 2016 presidential primary season begins and he decides whether to run. Yet so far, the debate is deepening the very divisions within his party that he hoped to bridge.

“Pence was the guy who theoretically could bring the business community together with the evangelical community, but now they are at each other’s throats,” said veteran Republican strategist John Feehery. “This whole thing has been a complete disaster.”

The backlash in Indiana has quickly spread to other states where Republicans hoped to enact similar laws.

In Arkansas, Gov. Asa Hutchinson on Wednesday called for changes to similar legislation that has been sent to his desk, saying it wasn’t intended to sanction discrimination based on sexual orientation. The governor noted that his son was among those who signed a petition asking him to veto the initial proposal.

“This is a bill that in ordinary times would not be controversial, but these are not ordinary times,” Hutchinson said.

Similar measures in North Carolina and Georgia are also facing new scrutiny as a result of the Indiana fallout.

Last week, Pence signed the state Religious Freedom Restoration Act, giving heightened protections when businesses or individuals object on religious grounds to providing certain services.

Critics of the law say the intent is to discriminate against gays. They fear, for example, that caterers, florists, photographers and bakers with religious objections to same-sex marriage will be allowed to refuse to do business with gay couples. Supporters of the law say it will only give religious objectors a chance to bring their case before a judge.

Caught off guard by the intensity of the criticism, Pence on Tuesday called on state lawmakers to amend the Indiana law by the end of the week to clarify that it does not discriminate against gays.

Conservative bloggers and religious conservatives across the country who last week praised Pence’s leadership on the issue lashed out at the governor for bowing to pressure.

Pence, a former congressman, has long been popular among evangelical voters, although he has largely focused on economic issues since winning election to his first term in 2012. He’s pushed tax cuts for businesses, promoted expansions of voucher programs and charter schools, and emphasized job growth and the budget surplus.

Pence stayed on the sidelines in 2014 as a proposed state constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage failed in the Republican-dominated Legislature. Federal courts later legalized gay marriage in the state.

His focus on the economy did not help him in this week’s debate, however.

Leading companies such as Wal-Mart , Apple, Gap and Levi Strauss spoke out against the religious-objections legislation, and a group of technology executives from companies such as Yelp and Twitter called for the addition of non-discrimination protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people to civil rights laws.

The business website Angie’s List, led by a prominent Republican donor, was among nine Indiana-based companies “deeply concerned about the impact it is having on our employees and on the reputation of our state,” according to a letter to Pence this week.

Pence’s strongest support came from the class of Republican presidential prospects. Former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, Florida Sen. Marco Rubio and former Texas Gov. Rick Perry defended Pence and the Indiana law in recent days.

Leading Republican donor Fred Malek said Pence earned the respect of business leaders and conservatives alike throughout his year in public office. “I think he’s being unfairly criticized,” Malek said. “He’s doing the right thing.”

___

Associated Press writer Lauryn Schroeder in Indianapolis contributed to this report. Davies reported from Indianapolis.

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries Speaks on Democracy at Commonwealth Club

Based on his first speech as House minority leader, “The ABCs of Democracy” by Grand Central Publishing is an illustrated children’s book for people of all ages. Each letter contrasts what democracy is and isn’t, as in: “American Values over Autocracy”, “Benevolence over Bigotry” and “The Constitution over the Cult.”

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: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries at the Commonwealth Club World Affairs Council on Dec. 2. Photo by Johnnie Burrell. Book cover: "The ABCs of Democracy" by Hakeem Jeffries.
: House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries at the Commonwealth Club World Affairs Council on Dec. 2. Photo by Johnnie Burrell. Book cover: "The ABCs of Democracy" by Hakeem Jeffries.

By Linda Parker Pennington
Special to The Post

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries addressed an enthusiastic overflow audience on Monday at San Francisco’s Commonwealth Club, launching his first book, “The ABCs of Democracy.”

Based on his first speech as House minority leader, “The ABCs of Democracy” by Grand Central Publishing is an illustrated children’s book for people of all ages.

Each letter contrasts what democracy is and isn’t, as in: “American Values over Autocracy”, “Benevolence over Bigotry” and “The Constitution over the Cult.”

Less than a month after the election that will return Donald Trump to the White House, Rep. Jeffries also gave a sobering assessment of what the Democrats learned.

“Our message just wasn’t connecting with the real struggles of the American people,” Jeffries said. “The party in power is the one that will always pay the price.”

On dealing with Trump, Jeffries warned, “We can’t fall into the trap of being outraged every day at what Trump does. That’s just part of his strategy. Remaining calm in the face of turmoil is a choice.”

He pointed out that the razor-thin margin that Republicans now hold in the House is the lowest since the Civil War.

Asked what the public can do, Jeffries spoke about the importance of being “appropriately engaged. Democracy is not on autopilot. It takes a citizenry to hold politicians accountable and a new generation of young people to come forward and serve in public office.”

With a Republican-led White House, Senate, House and Supreme Court, Democrats must “work to find bi-partisan common ground and push back against far-right extremism.”

He also described how he is shaping his own leadership style while his mentor, Speaker-Emeritus Nancy Pelosi, continues to represent San Francisco in Congress. “She says she is not hanging around to be like the mother-in-law in the kitchen, saying ‘my son likes his spaghetti sauce this way, not that way.’”

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MacArthur Fellow Dorothy Roberts’ Advocates Restructure of Child Welfare System

Roberts’s early work focused on Black women’s reproductive rights and their fight for reproductive justice. In “Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty 1997)”, she analyzes historical and contemporary policies and practices that denied agency to Black women and sought to control their childbearing—from forced procreation during slavery, to coercive sterilization and welfare reform—and advocates for an expanded understanding of reproductive freedom.

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Dorothy Roberts. Photo courtesy of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.
Dorothy Roberts. Photo courtesy of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.

Special to The Post

When grants were announced Oct. 1, it was noted that eight of the 22 MacArthur Fellows were African American. Among the recipients of the so-called ‘genius grants’ are scholars, visual and media artists a poet/writer, historian, and dancer/choreographer who each receive $800,000 over a five-year period to spend as they see fit.

 Their names are Ruha Benjamin, Jericho Brown, Tony Cokes, Jennifer L. Morgan, Ebony G. Patterson, Shamel Pitts, Jason Reynolds, and Dorothy Roberts. This is the eighth and last in the series highlighting the Black awardees. The report below on Dorothy Roberts is excerpted from the MacArthur Fellows web site.

A graduate of Yale University with a law degree from Harvard, Dorothy Roberts is a legal scholar and public policy researcher exposing racial inequities embedded within health and social service systems.

Sine 2012, she has been a professor of Law and Sociology, and on the faculty in the department of Africana Studies at the University of Pennsylvania.

Roberts’s work encompasses reproductive health, bioethics, and child welfare. She sheds light on systemic inequities, amplifies the voices of those directly affected, and boldly calls for wholesale transformation of existing systems.

Roberts’s early work focused on Black women’s reproductive rights and their fight for reproductive justice. In “Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty 1997)”, she analyzes historical and contemporary policies and practices that denied agency to Black women and sought to control their childbearing—from forced procreation during slavery, to coercive sterilization and welfare reform—and advocates for an expanded understanding of reproductive freedom.

This work prompted Roberts to examine the treatment of children of color in the U.S. child welfare system.

After nearly two decades of research and advocacy work alongside parents, social workers, family defense lawyers, and organizations, Roberts has concluded that the current child welfare system is in fact a system of family policing with alarmingly unequal practices and outcomes. Her 2001 book, “Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare,” details the outsized role that race and class play in determining who is subject to state intervention and the results of those interventions.

Through interviews with Chicago mothers who had interacted with Child Protective Services (CPS), Roberts shows that institutions regularly punish the effects of poverty as neglect.

CPS disproportionately investigates Black and Indigenous families, especially if they are low-income, and children from these families are much more likely than white children to be removed from their families after CPS referral.

In “Torn Apart: How the Child Welfare System Destroys Black Families—and How Abolition Can Build a Safer World (2022),” Roberts traces the historical, cultural, and political forces driving the racial and class imbalance in child welfare interventions.

These include stereotypes about Black parents as negligent, devaluation of Black family bonds, and stigmatization of parenting practices that fall outside a narrow set of norms.

She also shows that blaming marginalized individuals for structural problems, while ignoring the historical roots of economic and social inequality, fails families and communities.

Roberts argues that the engrained oppressive features of the current system render it beyond repair. She calls for creating an entirely new approach focused on supporting families rather than punishing them.

Her support for dismantling the current child welfare system is unsettling to some. Still, her provocation inspires many to think more critically about its poor track record and harmful design.

By uncovering the complex forces underlying social systems and institutions, and uplifting the experiences of people caught up in them, Roberts creates opportunities to imagine and build more equitable and responsive ways to ensure child and family safety.

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Oakland Post: Week of December 18 – 24, 2024

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of December 18 – 24, 2024

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